The Current PoliMemo

RACE AND GENDER IN SCHOOL SUCCESS AMONG LATINA/OS IN COLLEGE

2008-08-27T19:27:50Z

Policy Memo by: Kimberly L. D’Anna

Barajas, J., & Pierce, J. L. (2001). The significance of race and gender in school success among Latinas and Latinos in college. Gender & Society, 15(6), 859-878.

The Problem
Alarmingly, the current high school dropout rate for Latinos is 46 percent (McMillen, 1995), prompting a series of studies investigating the reasons for this high dropout rate and alternative avenues of success for Latino students. Previously much of the literature has focused on the need of minority students to adopt white middle class values in order to succeed in school. In contrast, the current study shows that Latino students that successfully transition from high school to college do not follow the ideals of the majority culture. The Latino students employed in this study all exhibited strong ties to other Latino students and each student navigated through discrimination and prejudice in varied ways. In the past, it was thought that minority and ethnic students who succeeded only did so because they assimilated to the dominant norms, such as individualism. This assumed that students conformed to the mainstream culture, leaving their own cultural values behind, and, if not, they failed. This theory also suggested that giving up one’s cultural values and group identity is desirable and necessary to succeed academically, ignoring the fact that assimilation may have negative consequences, such as damaging students’ sense of identity and self-esteem as racial/ethnic minorities. This study portrays successful Latino students who did not assimilate, but used their connections to their own cultural identities to achieve academic success. Furthermore, this study identifies specific gender models through which students achieved success that helped shape the college experience of Latinos and Latinas.

Research Approach
In this study, 45 college student mentors and 27 high school mentees were recruited and interviewed for 1-2 hours. The interviewees were involved in a mentor program at a major U.S. research university in the Midwest. The high school sample included 11 females and 16 males and the college sample included 31 females and 14 males all within the ages of 18-25. The students came from various Latino nationalities, primarily Mexico, Puerto Rico and Honduras. The majority were from second or third-generation immigrant and poor or working-class families. Participants also filled out a demographics questionnaire and school records were made available to the researchers, including attendance rates and academic performance. The students also were observed at local high schools. Data were analyzed using Burawoy’s (Burawoy, 1990) extended case method to extend and reconstruct existing theory about the factors that contribute to school success among Latinos in this particular social and historical context.

Major Findings
The study yielded the following major findings:
Most importantly, this study showcased successful Latinos that did not assimilate as previous literature would suggest. In addition, race and gender produced different experiences for the Latina and Latino students.

Latinas had positive feelings about their cultural identities. They spoke very positively about their own feelings as Latinas and disregarded others’ negative feelings. They talked about choosing to have a strong identity, thus not being defensive about who they were. They emphasized the importance of “talking to someone who is like you” and having relationships with other Latinas both inside the university and outside in the community. They also realized that their own personal experiences did not always mirror what others had gone through, but at the very least they could help in providing information and a safe relationship with other Latina students. Safe spaces for the students were created in relationships with friends, family and community members, including associations with other successful Latino students such as those in Latino organizations. They found cultural translators who aided them in becoming bicultural. This did not inhibit competitive achievement amongst Latinas, but was used as a path to success. They sought out protective relationships, support and encouragement where they could achieve a positive sense of ethnic identity. Relationships with cultural translators become spaces in which Latinas learned positive values that countered the negative stereotypes operating in schools. The majority of the Latinas in this study said that they were mentoring to help others like themselves. Many enjoyed the program because it was a safe space and where positive meanings were attached to “brownness.” All were interested in creating new relationships as mentors to share what they learned about being successful Latinas and adding their own positive self-understanding by acting as role models.

Successful male Latino students in this study had less positive feelings about their identity. Latino men saw themselves as part of the larger cultural Latino group but were more likely to use sports and coaches during high school to support both their success in sports and academics. Through sports the males were more likely to accept the individualistic and ability-based ethos of the dominant culture--such that they alone were responsible for their success and could achieve success if they themselves worked hard enough. Thus, males were likely to talk about themselves as individuals who worked to achieve their success. Most athletes in this study linked school success to their personal initiative in taking advantage of the opportunities offered to them through athletics. Sports were important in defining themselves competent and masculine. While this outlet was helpful for mainstream success, it did not help Latinos navigate between the majority and minority group cultures nor did it assist with their transition to college. Sports as an outlet for success were useful during high school, but in college the opportunity and advantages of sports diminished. There was also a class effect in addition to the Latino cultural effects on sports and success. Those from middle-class backgrounds saw sports as a learning opportunity whereas those from less advantaged backgrounds saw sports ultimately as a profession and as the only opportunity to succeed. Once the Latinos entered college and could no longer identify with sports, race/ethnicity took on a much more significant role in their lives. They were confused and ambivalent about their ethnic identity. Unlike the Latinas in this study, Latinos often talked about being at odds with other Latinos and often believed that their difficulties were individual or related to their family and not part of larger institutional or cultural issues. These young men paid a psychological price for their conformity--they had strongly ambivalent feelings about their racial identities and had less social support and shared understanding for being “different.” Once in college, Latinos felt dislocation that was produced not only by social class, but by race as well.

Policy Implications
This study highlights the importance of mentoring relationships for the success of both high school and college Latino students. It also demonstrates the need for more programs to be in place once students transition to college, like the mentoring program presented in this study. However, given the divergent methods used by Latinas and Latinos to achieve success in school, programs need to focus on mentors and cultural translators for Latinos specifically. This study demonstrates the need for both sexes to develop positive feelings about their own personal Latino identities. Moreover, this study reveals that Latinos continue to face discriminatory treatment in high school and college and policies such as affirmative action are crucial to getting students of color into college. There also needs to be a level of awareness at the institutional level about the unique needs of Latinos. School officials often don’t know about the dynamics of many Latino families and perhaps don’t recognize that going to school is often a family choice for Latinas and not an individual one. Often the family sacrifices so one member can attend school. This can have a large effect on an individual’s performance at the college level and can greatly benefit from social support within the university. This study also highlights the need for comprehensive mentor programs at the high school and college levels for students not only to receive guidance, but to share what they learned about being successful Latino students, and to be positive role models.

References
Burawoy, M. (Ed). (1990). Ethnography unbound. Berkeley: University of California Press.

McMillen, M. (1995). National Center for Educational Statistics: Drop-out report. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office.

Implications for Educators of Proposed Versions of the DREAM Act

2008-08-20T16:49:47Z

Policy Memo by: Liliana M. Garces

The Problem
The DREAM Act (Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act) has the potential to address an important civil rights issue (Rincón, 2008) in our nation: the inability of students who have graduated from high school to pursue higher education because of their immigration status. Although the proposed legislation has languished in Congress in its various versions, advocates have not given up hope for its passage and the legislation continues to be at the forefront of immigrant advocacy efforts (Rincόn, 2008). There are numerous economic, social, and egalitarian reasons for Congress to resurrect and enact the DREAM Act. There is also a litany of arguments from those who oppose any legislation they deem as pro-immigrant. Indeed, few issues in the public policy arena engender as much passionate debate as those surrounding immigration.

The purpose of this policy memo, however, is not to address why or why not the DREAM Act should be passed as these arguments are outlined in other sources. Instead, this memo focuses on the question: If Congress reintroduces and enacts the DREAM Act in its former versions, what would be the implications for educational institutions, advocacy organizations, and state and local governments? As outlined below, the proposed bill would help undocumented students pursue higher education in significant ways. However, the legislation would not address all of the barriers to access for undocumented students. For these reasons, it is important to consider the steps educators and organizations may need to take to help ensure the full benefits of the legislation. The DREAM Act is a necessary piece of the solution, but stakeholders such as universities, non-profit organizations, and state policymakers must work collaboratively to address additional barriers to college for this population.

The Proposed Legislation
Although previously introduced versions of the legislation vary, generally, the DREAM Act would: (1) allow students who entered the United States before the age of fifteen, have lived in the United States for at least five years before the bill's enactment, and are able to demonstrate good moral character, to apply for legal status; and (2) eliminate the federal provision that discourages states from granting in-state tuition benefits to undocumented students on the basis of state residency (S. 2205, H.R. 1275) (NILC, 2007). The avenue for legal status involves a multi-step process that involves a “conditional” residency period of up to six years before the granting of permanent residency and requires, in part, that students complete two years of college or serve in the armed forces. The legislation also would allow students to receive work authorization and qualify for federal loans but not federal grants (NILC, 2007).

Barriers to College Access that the Legislation Would Address
The DREAM Act would help address fundamental barriers to college access for undocumented students, such as cost. The opportunity to qualify for lawful permanent residency status is important because it allows this category of students to qualify for federal financial aid programs. Although the legislation limits eligibility to loans and not grants, federal loan eligibility would still allow low-income students to be able to finance high tuition costs. The ability to obtain permanent residency status may allow more students to afford public tuition rates or attend private institutions if they obtain adequate financial aid packages. By obtaining work authorization, moreover, undocumented students can have more job opportunities to help them finance their education.

For many undocumented students, the DREAM Act would provide their only means to obtain authorized status and citizenship. Under federal immigration laws, the opportunities for undocumented students to obtain lawful permanent residency status (or other authorized immigration status) are very limited, if they exist at all, in the absence of an amnesty program. To qualify for residency, for example, a minor would have to be sponsored by a parent who is a U.S. citizen or a permanent resident. The parents of many undocumented students, however, are themselves undocumented and therefore not able to sponsor their children for residency. Immigration laws also prevent other family members, such as grandparents, aunts or uncles, from being able to sponsor these students for lawful residency or citizenship.

The opportunity to qualify for permanent residency and eventually citizenship would be a great motivator for students to successfully complete high school and enter and persist through college. As permanent residents or citizens, they would then be able to petition, under immigration laws, for their parents to be granted permanent residency. Through hard work and academic effort, undocumented students could be ensured a better life for themselves and their family.

Finally, by restoring state authority to determine questions of state residency and domicile, the federal provision would also make it easier for states to address issues of college access for undocumented students. States, for example, could extend in-state tuition rates to undocumented students without having to consider whether such efforts would violate federal law or make the state vulnerable to lawsuits.

Implication for Educators
Although the legislation would help remove the legal and financial barriers mentioned above, additional barriers--such as lack of sufficient funding and adequate information--also need to be addressed for students to fully benefit if the legislation were enacted. Through coordinated efforts, high schools, colleges and universities, states, and the federal government, can help address and remove these additional barriers.

The major barrier that would prevent undocumented students from realizing the benefits of the legislation may be lack of information. If the legislation were enacted, it is possible that there would be substantial media coverage in the communities that may be most affected. It is not guaranteed, however, that the publicity would reach the students who would benefit from the legislation. Moreover, the law includes a number of requirements that students must satisfy to be eligible for conditional permanent residency status. Thus, even if students learn about the law, they would still need clarification and assistance in determining whether they would be covered under the provision.

To address informational barriers, colleges and universities can partner with high schools that have high immigrant populations to ensure that the relevant actors at these schools are informed about the law and its specific provisions so that they can make the information available to their students. These actors would include teachers and high school counselors. High school counselors, in particular, are well positioned to identify students, distribute necessary information, and alleviate students’ concerns regarding the threat of deportation. Such concerted efforts may be the reason that contributed to the number of undocumented students who have benefited from the Texas in-state tuition law (Fischer, 2004). Colleges and high schools should work together to provide teachers and high school counselors the additional support necessary to support these efforts.

Civil rights organizations are also important actors because they can also help distribute information about the law and help educate college and high school administrators, students and their families, and the community at large about the technicalities of the law. In Kansas City, for example, non-profit social service groups like El Centro have taken the lead in conducting outreach to high-school guidance counselors, college recruiters, and religious congregations (Fischer, 2004). These outreach efforts will be necessary to make sure students are provided with accurate information by the sources of support that are closest to them.

Outreach efforts, moreover, can expand beyond the high school level to include middle school and younger populations. Research shows that educational aspirations begin to form from elementary school on to middle school, when students must begin to develop college awareness so that they can prepare to complete the necessary academic requirements for college (McDonough, 2004). Learning about the opportunities that are available for undocumented students who pursue college to become citizens will encourage students to begin to form college aspirations during these early and critical years.

States and universities can target remaining financial barriers for students by offering financial aid in the form of grants and scholarships. Institutions can thus follow the example of some community colleges, such as Northern Virginia Community College, that created community and privately funded scholarships for undocumented students (Biswas, 2005). Institutions, moreover, can offer scholarships that do not exclude students who lack immigration documentation (Biswas, 2005). Information about these scholarships should be compiled and easily available to students through websites and brochures, with easy to identify information regarding resources for undocumented students.

Moreover, as more students are able to qualify for legal status, lower in-state tuition, and financial aid and other scholarships, colleges and universities also have a unique opportunity to increase the diversity of their student body by targeting outreach efforts to this population in particular and providing the academic support for students to persist and graduate.

Finally, state policymakers should be aware that if the federal provision is repealed, states may need to pass legislation that would allow undocumented students to qualify for lower in-state tuition rates on the basis of state residency. Continued advocacy efforts will be necessary to ensure the success of these efforts.

In sum, the real impact of the proposed legislation, if enacted, may not be realized until well into the future as information about the possibility of obtaining legalized status, financial aid, and lower in-state tuition reaches students and informs their college aspirations and academic planning. As noted, these chances would be increased if the information begins to be distributed to students starting in middle school. Coupled with outreach programs to explain the laws to high school and university administrators, however, the federal and state laws could have a substantial impact on improving college access for a growing segment of the population in our nation.

References
Biswas, R.R. (2005). Access to Community College for Undocumented Immigrants: A Guide for State Policymakers. Jobs for the Future. Retrieved on June 15, 2008 from http://www.achievingthedream.org/PUBLICPOLICY/STATEPOLICYISSUES/default.tp

Fischer, K. (2004). Illegal Immigrants Rarely Use Hard-Won Tuition Break. The Chronicle of Higher Education, December 10.

McDonough, P. M. (2004). The School-to-College Transition: Challenges and Prospects. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, Center for Policy Analysis.

National Immigration Law Center (NILC). (2007). DREAM Act: Basic Information. Retrieved on June 15, 2008 from http://www.nilc.org/immlawpolicy/DREAM/dream_basic_info_0406.pdf

Rincόn, A. (2008). Undocumented Immigrants and Higher Education: Sί Se Puede! New York: LFB Scholarly Publishing.

How U.S. Schools Have Failed our Latino and African American Youth

2008-07-18T14:10:57Z

Policy Memo by: Francine Segovia

Flores, A. (2007). Examining disparities in mathematics education: Achievement gap or opportunity gap? The High School Journal, October/November, 29-42.

The Problem
There is an achievement gap in national and state tests between Latino and African American students as compared to European American students. More specifically, Latino and African American students do considerably worse on national and state mathematic tests then their White counterparts. This issue has become more alarming as studies indicate that this achievement gap has not closed considerably over the past thirty years. Often this gap in achievement has been explained as a hierarchy of competence (Flores, 2007). Framing the problem in this perspective, however, has invited a focus on the students who lag behind. In this way the problem is framed through a deficit lens model which “explains” the low performance as an issue of cultural differences, poverty, low parental support, and lack of motivation, etc. The current study provides empirical evidence suggesting the necessity of reframing the achievement gap as an issue of unequal access to resources. The study presents data revealing that African American and Latino students as compared to White students are less likely to have access to qualified and experienced teachers, more likely to face low expectations, and less likely to have equitable per student funding. The data suggest that reframing the problem as an issue of inequitable accessibility to resources rather than one of student (in)competence can lead to a more productive investigation in understanding the causes for these disparities, in turn helping us to better address them.

Research Approach
This study uses data from the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) and the Educational Trust. More specifically, to examine the mathematic score gaps Flores uses Trends in Academic Progress: Three decades of Student Performance in Reading and Mathematics (Perie, Moran, & Lutkus, 2004), a document produced for the U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, and the National Center for Education Statistics. The author also uses Yes we can: Telling truths and dispelling myths about race and education in America (Wilkins & the Education Trust Staff, 2006).

Major Findings
1. The Achievement Gap. As measured by NAEP, by eight grade 91% of African American and 87% of Latino students are not proficient in mathematics. The percentage of unprepared students lowers significantly, however, when examining Asian American (53%) and White (63%) students’ proficiency. The data also indicate that the performance of Latino and African American 12th grade students equates to 8th grade White students on NAEP’s mathematics tests. Additionally, there is a significant gap between students from poor and non-poor families. This is important to note as data also indicate the overrepresentation of African American and Latino students with family incomes below the poverty line. The gap in mathematic performance has been very slow to close. While the gap remains only slightly smaller than in the 1970s, since 1988 the gap has widened.

2. The Opportunity Gap. Data indicate that African American and Latino students are less likely to have qualified and experienced teachers, more likely to face low expectations, and less likely to receive equitable per student funding.

Access to experienced and qualified teachers is not distributed equally across ethnic groups and economic classes (Flores, 2006). Classes serving African American and Latino students or students in high poverty areas are twice as likely to be taught by inexperienced teachers as compared to classes serving White students. Data also indicate that the least prepared teachers are disproportionately represented in under-resourced schools predominately serving Latino and African American students. In addition, classes in schools with higher percentages of Latinos and African Americans are more likely to be taught by teachers who do not have at least a minor in the subject area they are teaching.

Flores reveals the low expectations that Latino and African American students encounter in educational institutions in addition to the detrimental effects such expectations have on them. First, Flores shows how different expectations influence the way teachers teach and test. For instance, teachers with at least 60% African American and Latino students are more likely to spend classroom time using multiple choice testing and other means of assessing low level cognitive objectives. Time spent focusing on these activities leads to fewer opportunities for students to learn challenging and advanced mathematics. Second, low expectations leads to teachers not giving Latinos and African American students the same type of feedback as White students. Mexican American children, for instance, are less likely to receive teacher affirmation following correct responses as compared to White classmates. Third, the author argues that low expectations are reflected in assignment of high grades for work that in other schools would earn lower grades or would be more appropriate for younger students. Fourth, low expectations have led to the unnecessary and often inappropriate placement of African American and Latino students in remedial mathematic programs. These classes limit student learning as remedial courses offer fewer topics and skills to learn putting these students at a disadvantage. The data indicate that African American and Latino children are placed in low tracks even in cases where their test scores or other measures of talent are equal to or better than White or Asian American peers. African American and Latino students are not only less likely to be placed in accelerated classes even when their scores are as high as White students but are additionally tracked out of college-level courses. Finally Flores provides data which indicate that schools serving African American and Latinos offer fewer academic courses. In fact, regardless of high school size, as the number of Advanced Placement courses decreases, the percentage of African American and Latinos in the school increases.

African American and Latino students live in districts with significantly less funding available then districts where White students live. NAEP data from 2000, for example, show that while only 3% of White eighth-graders are in free or reduced lunch program schools, African American and Latino students go to schools where nearly 35% of the student population qualifies. Data additionally indicate that school districts educating the greatest number of African American and Latino students receive less local and state money to educate them than districts serving the fewest number of minority students. In fact, as the percentage of Latino and African American students increases, the percentage of funds per student spending significantly decreases. Because of this, such students do not have access to up-to-date books, science laboratories, materials for experiments, or access to technology. Making the issue more complex is the fact that schools with fewer financial resources are not able to compete with teacher salaries in wealthier districts making it difficult to recruit and retain highly qualified teachers. The starting salary for teachers in New York City, for instance, was 25% less than the starting salary for teachers in wealthier suburban counties.

Policy Implications
The current study casts light on the inequity of opportunities that low income African American and Latino students face. With less access to experienced teachers, low expectations, and less per student funding, how are such students expected to perform equally well as White students with significantly greater access to quality resources? Continuing to believe that the achievement gap is based on a hierarchy of competence, one that supposedly explains the disparate performance because of African American and Latino student low intelligence or because of deficits in culture, is not only naive and inaccurate, but a gross disservice to the African American and Latino communities. Flores’ study provides empirical evidence suggesting the necessity of reframing the issue as an “opportunity gap”. Viewing the issue in this way can help researchers and policy makers effectively approach, create, and design programs that can address the “achievement gap”.

References
Flores, A. (2007). Examining Disparities in Mathematics Education: Achievement Gap or Opportunity Gap? The High School Journal, October/November, 29-42.

LESBIAN, GAY, BISEXUAL, AND TRANSGENDER YOUTH SCHOOLING EXPERIENCES

2008-07-16T15:53:28Z

Policy Memo by: Rigoberto Marquez, Jr.

Kosciw, J.G., & Diaz, E.M. (2005). The experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth in our nation’s schools. The 2005 National School Climate Survey, Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network (GLSEN).

The Problem
In the last 15 years there has been an increase in the visibility and representation of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Queer (see note 1) youth in US schools. Youth are not only “coming out” (see note 2) at younger ages, but they are also becoming more vocal about their identities and presence in both middle and high schools. The Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network (GLSEN) has been conducting surveys on the experiences of Queer students in high schools since 1999; their National School Climate Survey has filled a crucial role in shaping our understanding of the experiences of Queer students in high schools. GLSEN’s national school climate surveys are the only assessments that document the experiences of Queer youth in US schools. According to a 2005 survey by GLSEN, approximately five percent of high school students identify with the Queer community. It is likely the numbers will continue to increase as Queer students become more aware of their sexual orientation and comfortable disclosing their identities with others.

As more youth begin to identify as Queer, the literature on Queer students is also beginning to grow. However, as with many emerging fields, there are many methodological constructs that impact the quality of the work, such as accessing population, sampling concerns, and sexual identity labels. As a result, most of the research on Queer students is grounded within the experiences of middle-class white Queer youth, rendering invisible the experiences of Queer youth of color.

The voices and lives of Queer youth of color are marginalized in education literature, discourse, and practice, resulting in a substantial population of students who go unheard. As a result, there is limited research on the experiences of Queer Latina/o, Chicana/o, Black/African/African-American, Asian and Pacific Islander students, especially from urban high schools. Stakeholders within education must be aware that the education pipeline is already complex for all students, but especially for Queer students of color.

Research Approach
The youth surveyed in the study were recruited from several community based organizations and non-profit groups across the country that work with Queer youth. They also made the survey available to students via their website www.glsen.org and had their information sent out to several “Queer listservs.” The survey represented students from forty-eight states and the District of Columbia; a quarter of the national sample consisted of youth of color, with a majority being Latina/o and/or Hispanic students. The majority of the students in the survey were in the 11th and 12th grades. The questions in the survey reflected students’ feelings of safety in their schools and captured their experiences with homophobia and/or racist remarks.

Major Findings
The report had several findings connected to the experiences of Queer students in high schools, but some of the more surprising facts are those connected to students’ academic engagement, aspirations, and achievement (GLSEN, 2005). For example, GLSEN compared their survey on Queer students with the National Center for Education and Statistics (NCES) survey (2002) on the educational plans for high school seniors. They found that Queer students were twice as likely as those in the NCES national sample to say that they were not planning on completing high school or going on to college.

GLSEN suggest the disparities in educational aspirations between Queer students and their peers may be related to the higher incidence of school victimization reported by Queer students in U.S. schools (2005). For example, GLSEN’s survey stresses that Queer students who experienced more frequent verbal or physical harassment on the basis of sexual orientation were more likely to report that they did not plan to go on to college than those Queer students who were not subject to such harassment; they also found that the severity of Queer students’ experiences of harassment directly correlates with lower academic achievement, and students who reported more frequent harassment on the basis of their sexual orientation and/or gender expression also reported significantly lower grade point averages than students who experienced less frequent harassment. GLSEN’s survey sheds light on the importance of addressing the needs of Queer students in high school, but more importantly is the message that Queer youth in U.S. middle and high schools who find themselves in negative environments and who experience harassment or assault have lower academic success than students who do not.

In 2003, GLSEN conducted a survey that examined the intersections around race/ethnicity, sexual orientation and gender expression among U.S. youth in high school. Although the experiences of white Queer youth and Queer youth of color were similar with regard to homophobic remarks and harassment related to their perceived orientation, the results showed that there were significant differences with regard to feeling safe in school because of their race and/or ethnicity. Youth of color were more likely than white youth to report feeling unsafe in their schools because of their race or ethnicity and were more likely to report missing school in the past month because they felt unsafe. Youth of color also reported a higher incidence of verbal harassment, physical harassment, and physical assault because of their race or ethnicity compared to white youth.

Stephen Russell and Nhan Truong (2001) offer another study that has looked at the experiences of Queer youth of color in high schools. Russell and Truong’s work is an empirical study that explores the ways that school attitudes, experiences of safety, prejudice, social acceptance, and expectations for education shape the self-esteem and school performance of Queer youth of color. One of Russell and Truong’s findings recognizes that Queer youth of color experience school environments that often reinforce prejudices and cultural stereotypes and puts them at greater risk in school.

One of the more interesting findings in the study is in the “coming out” process for Queer youths in high schools. They report that Queer youths of color were more comfortable than white youths in disclosing their sexuality to people at their school, but yet Queer youths of color avoided telling their families or people in their communities about their sexuality due to fear of rejection, which suggest that for Queer youths of color their Queer status may be less threatening in a school environment (Russell & Troung, 2001). They also found that white Queer youths were more likely than Queer youths of color to report that being open about their sexuality was affected by their fear of being physically harassed by other students and teachers.

GLSEN and Russell and Truong’s studies suggest that programs and projects in high schools that address the needs of Queer students need to understand that the experiences of Queer students of color are very different and their fears of harassment and discrimination develop in a very different context. Therefore, programs and projects need to be created that acknowledge those experiences.

Policy Implications
Current research indicates that Queer students of color are more likely to miss school due to fear of harassment, be less involved in extracurricular activities, and be less likely to have college aspirations (GLSEN, 2005; Russell & Truong, 2004; Quinn, 2007; McCready, 2001). Queer students of color have limited protection in school districts across the U.S. As a result, many end up dropping out of schoolor doing poorly academically. For those who are eligible to apply to college many times they are less competitive applicants (Quinn, 2007; McCready, 2001). Unfortunately, none of the research on student education pipelines considers how a student’s Queer identity can contribute to the student’s aspirations and completion of a college education.

While much of the research used to understand the experiences of Queer students of color must be pieced together to develop a picture of what college choice entails for these students, one strong theme emerges: One cannot easily separate or isolate the complex experiences of Queer students of color by sexual or gender identity and by race. These components of identity are only two of many that make up the day-to-day interface that an individual has with the world, including the world of college access and choice. Outreach and college preparation programs cannot overlook the needs of this population, but instead must work to meet them and all the complexities that they bring. Teachers and counselors, not to mention college professors and student affairs professionals, must be trained to give these students the best level of access to college preparatory coursework and opportunities to gain social and cultural capital.

To help these key players who have such a significant role in the college access and choice pipeline, several practical implications should be considered. First, high school and college educators should make visible the lives and experiences of Queer people of color, such as James Baldwin, Chi Cia-wei, Paula Gunn Allen, Urvashi Vaid, and Carla Trujillo, among many others, all of whom have helped create the original discourse surrounding the experiences of Queer people of color. Lance McCready (2004) suggests utilizing speakers’ bureaus and workshops with speakers of racially diverse backgrounds and having tangible print and other media resources available for students to see, use, and interact with Queer people of color on a regular basis. Also, Ferguson and Howard-Hamilton (2000) suggest creating “safe places” in classrooms, residential housing, workshops, and student organizations, allowing for the fusion of discourse on racial issues and issues of sexuality to mingle through the context of welcomed, safe conversation on these issues.

Additionally, Carol Tully (2000) offers practical suggestions for practitioners, clinicians, and policymakers to understand and advocate for the equitable treatment of Queer people of color. On a “micro-level,” she suggests first that we should accept the reality that Queer youth of color exist and avoid stereotyping students based on perceptions, personal biases, and unintended ignorance. On a “mezzo-level,” Tully suggests understanding the “multiple jeopardy” that Queer youth find themselves in due to their multiple oppressed statuses and adopting inclusive policies at all levels. Finally, she suggests that, on the “macro-level,” we work to understand local, state, and federal laws relating to sexual orientation and that we confront institutional homophobia (and racism) aimed at Queer youth of color at these levels.

To have an empirical understanding of the experiences of Queer youth of color, it is also important to consider the possible research implications of working with this group. Concretizing definitions and research plans is a good first step, as “Queer,” “youth,” and “of color” are all words or phrases that imply a wide range of diversity which cannot be easily generalized. Bieschke, et al. (2000) support this assertion in suggesting that researchers consider, among other implications, whether to merge multiple Queer identities in research. Additionally, they suggest guaranteeing anonymity when possible, avoiding single-item, self-report measures when possible, and using multiple methods of data collection.

While the college access, choice, adjustment, and persistence pathway does not always appear clear or bright, there is mounting evidence that headway is being made in the areas of equity, access, research, climate, and inclusion of/for Queer students of color. The oft-overlooked pathways to college for these students are being touched on sparsely and sporadically in the literature, but more thorough and dedicated attention to these pathways is needed, on a practical, political, and research level.

End Notes
1. By “Queer” I am referring to individuals who are gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and/or individuals that are questioning their sexuality.

2. ‘Coming out’ refers to the process in which a Queer person discloses his/her sexual orientation to themselves and/or other people.

References
Bieschke, K., Eberz, A., & Wilson, D. (2000). Empirical investigations of the gay, lesbian, and bisexual college student. In V. Wall & N. Evans (Eds.), Toward Acceptance: Sexual Orientation Issues on Campus (pp. 29-53). Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Ferguson, A.D. & Howard-Hamilton, M.F. (2000). Addressing issues of multiple identities for women of color on college campuses. In V. Wall & N. Evans (Eds.), Toward Acceptance: Sexual Orientation Issues on Campus (pp. 29-53). Lanham, MD: University Press of America.

Kosciw, J. G. & Diaz, E.M. (2003). School related experiences of Queer youth of color. Findings from the 2003 National School Climate Survey, GLSEN.

Kosciw, J. G. & Diaz, E.M. (2005). The experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender youth in our nation’s schools. The 2005 National School Climate Survey, Gay, Lesbian, Straight Education Network (GLSEN).

McCready, L. (2001). When fitting in isn’t an option, or, why Black Queer males at a California high school stay away from project 10. In K. Kumashiro, Troubling Intersections of Race and Sexuality (pp. 37-50). Rowman and Littlefield, Inc.

Quinn, Therese M. (2007). “You Make Me Erect!”: Queer girls of color negotiating heteronormativity leadership at an urban all-girls’ public school, Journal of Gay and Lesbian Issues in Education, 4(3).

Russell, S., & Truong, N. (2001). Adolescent sexual orientation, race and ethnicity, and school environments: A national study of sexual minority. In K. Kumashiro, Troubling Intersections of Race and Sexuality (pp.113-130). Rowman and Littlefield, Inc.

Tully, C. T. (2000). Empowerment and gay and lesbian youth. In C. Tully (Ed.), Lesbians, Gays, & the Empowerment Perspective (pp. 113-147). New York, NY: Columbia UP.

Washington, J. & Wall, V.A. (2006), African American gay men: Another challenge for the academy. In M.J. Cuyjet, African American men in college (174-188). San Francisco: Jossey Bass.

ACADEMIC RESILIENCY AMONG DOMINICAN ENGLISH-LANGUAGE LEARNERS

2008-07-14T14:26:45Z

Policy Memo by: Michelle Cruz-Santiago

Reynoso, N.A. (2008). Academic resiliency among Dominican English-language learners.
Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 32(4), 391-434.

The Problem
The number of Latino English-language learners enrolling in the nation’s community colleges has increased dramatically. However, the retention and graduation rates among Latino community college students are lower than those for other ethnic groups. The underachievement of Latinos in higher education has been attributed to a number of factors, including low socioeconomic status as well as cultural and language barriers (Arellando & Padilla, 1996). Much of the literature on the academic performance of Latinos is guided by a deficit approach, focusing on the reasons for failure rather than the reasons for success. Therefore, it is not surprising that we know much more about the barriers preventing Latinos from succeeding academically than we do about the factors contributing to the resiliency of numerous students who achieve academic success despite facing the same barriers. This study incorporated a strengths-based research approach in examining how Dominican English-language learners at a community college in New York City achieved academic resiliency despite facing personal, academic, cultural, and environmental adversity.

Research Approach
In this qualitative study, six Latina/o college students from Bronx Community College of the City University of New York participated in two rounds of individual interviews that lasted from one to two hours and were conducted on campus. All students were Dominican, an ethnic group that comprised over 75% of the Latino student population at this community college. The sample included four women and two men whose ages ranged from 21-34 years. The years living in the U.S. ranged from 5-10 years. The interviews were semi-structured and were conducted in the language preferred by the participants. Five of the six participants chose to do the interview in Spanish. The other participant chose to do the interview in both Spanish and English. The interviews were audio taped, transcribed, and translated into English. Additional data consisted of field notes, volunteered diaries, essays and poems, and the students’ academic transcripts. The researcher utilized grounded theory methodology to conduct the analysis of the transcriptions.

Major Findings
•Barriers and Obstacles to Academic Resiliency -- The major obstacles that these Dominican students experienced as immigrants in the United States:

1. Loneliness and Separation. Most of the participants reported that their immigration experiences were difficult. Migrating to a new land meant having to adapt to a new culture and abandoning a familiar way of life in their native homeland. The participants in this study also reported having to separate from family and friends when they immigrated to the United States. For many, the separation resulted in a lack of support in the new country and was considered a major stressor which brought feelings of discomfort and even depression.

2. Immigration Status. Two of the six participants came to the United States illegally. Coming to the United Stated without proper documentation was extremely difficult for these participants. They both had to work long hours in below-minimum-wage jobs to support their families. Moreover, they were victims of abuses by law firms and agencies, and even family members, who took their money by intimidating the participants and threatening to report them to immigration. Although the other four participants came to the United States with legal documents, they stated that the process of obtaining their documentation was lengthy, expensive, and extremely stressful (some were still paying debt owed to family and friends who lent them money to come to the United States).

3. Language Barriers. Each of the participants shared that their inability to initially speak English was a major barrier when they arrived in the United States. For some participants, not being able to speak English made them feel depressed and lonely, especially when they lived with family members who spoke primarily English among themselves and didn’t bother to translate. Participants also shared the sentiment of being cut off from the mainstream culture as a result of their limited English proficiency. Most participants reported that not being able to express their thoughts and feelings, as well as not being able to understand what was going on around them, made them feel extremely frustrated, intimidated, inadequate, and inferior to everyone around them.

4. Discrimination. Some of the participants experienced discrimination in the workplace because they did not know English. They were paid less, worked longer hours, and were asked to do the job-related tasks that the other employees found undesirable (e.g. cleaning the bathrooms). Participants also reported that their co-workers would make fun of them, mistreat them, and make them feel stupid for not knowing English and American ways. Some participants also reported being treated insensitively and rudely by other people in the streets because of their limited English skills (e.g. “What are you doing in this country if you don’t know English,” p. 406).

5. Financial Hardships and Time Constraints. Migrating to a new country involves a resettling process. For most participants, immigration also meant facing extreme financial hardships. Due to their limited English skills, they obtained low-paying jobs when they arrived. Therefore, they had to work long hours (e.g. 10 to 14 hours a day, six days a week) to support themselves and their families who also come from poor and low-income backgrounds. Not surprisingly, participants reported experiencing difficulties managing their time between school, work, and caring for their children and/or family members (e.g. elderly parents and younger siblings). Balancing these multiple roles was extremely stressful for the participants.

•Facilitators of Academic Resiliency -- These facilitators helped participants to overcome obstacles they confronted during immigration and during their college career:

1. Faculty Support. Most participants reported that having faculty support was instrumental in fostering their academic achievement at Bronx Community College. Students reported that faculty inspired and motivated them to achieve academically. They also stated that their ESL professors were always available to assist them with school related issues. In addition, they perceived their professors as mentors. Making a connection with a faculty member was a source of motivation for Dominican English-language learners and most of the participants developed supportive relationships with their professors. Some of the strategies employed by these instrumental professors were: (a) continuously provide positive feedback and encourage students to continue their improvement; (b) being available beyond class hours (e.g. providing out-of-class individualized instruction, giving out their home telephone number so that students could call them if they had a question or did not understand a particular assignment); (c) being flexible in their instruction and grading procedures (e.g. allowing students to make up missed assignments, or allowing students to take final exams early if they had to leave the college to attend to personal matters); and (d) being available to assist students in matters other than school work (e.g. providing emotional support during difficult times, helping students navigate resources on campus and in the community). As the below quote exemplifies, the professors who are willing to go above and beyond their expected job duties make a significant impact on their students’ lives:

I started Bronx Community College in the lowest English level. My ESL professors motivated me to excel academically by providing positive feedback about my schoolwork. My professors used to write positive comments on my essays. I became motivated to work even harder to improve my writing and reading skills. In two years I had completed the ESL sequence and started taking courses in my major. (p. 414)

2. Tutoring Support. Most participants reported that tutoring contributed to their academic success. Tutoring was especially important in helping students improve their writing skills and in completing the ESL sequence. Participants indicated that they learned best from tutors who were skillful and supportive.

3. Counseling Support. Participants reported that counseling services helped them make a successful adjustment to college. Some participants indicated that the freshman orientation seminar helped them. The orientation course is designed to help students develop college survival skills such as time management, test-taking strategies, and note taking. The course also provides assistance in the area of career development. In addition, the course is taught by a counselor in order to provide an opportunity for the students to develop a connection with a supportive person on campus (and whom they can turn to for help and support in dealing with personal problems that the students confront off-campus).

4. Peer Support. Some participants reported that peer support (either from college friends or friends at work) promoted academic achievement:

I developed a very close relationship with Sara and Elena while at the Language Immersion Program. The three of us started Bronx Community College the same semester. We support each other. Sometimes I have a class, there is something I don’t understand, and they explain it to me. I do the same thing for them if there is a class they don’t understand. We also help each other by sharing our personal problems. When my friend got separated from her husband, I brought her to my house for one month. My friend also helped me get a job. We have a very good friendship; we are like sisters. We always made our schedule together. We took classes together. We always competed with each other to see who could get the best grades. We did our homework together and studied in groups (p. 418).

5. Family Support. For many participants, their family served as a source of motivation, which promoted academic success. Some participants reported that their children motivated them to achieve in college, while others said their parents motivated them. For example, a participant’s father served as a role model who challenged her to reach her full potential. She was inspired by her father’s commitment to raising the family despite difficult financial limitations. Even though her father did not have a college education, she admired his devotion to self-development and was impressed by his commitment to move forward despite the many obstacles.

6. Self-Motivation. The participants in this study overcame a variety of challenging life events. They made a conscious decision to move on with their life and with college despite the difficulties they were encountering. The barriers they confronted made them stronger individuals and more determined. They established clear goals for themselves that kept them focused and motivated to succeed despite the obstacles in their way.

7. Bicultural Identity Development. The participants in this study reported maintaining a strong bond to their culture while integrating into the mainstream culture. Although they originally felt stress when they first arrived in the United States, they adjusted to the host society and gradually became connected to the new culture. Participants acquired American values such as independence and a desire to achieve financial prosperity. They also maintained their own cultural values. As newly arrived immigrants, they reported that they confronted cultural barriers. Although the transition process was difficult, they realized that they needed to make some changes and learn to function in a new society. In addition, they became aware that education would be their vehicle to a better life in the U.S.

Policy Implications
The high-achieving Dominican English-language learners in this study demonstrated a strong sense of perseverance and self determination to achieve their academic and career goals. Although they confronted great academic, cultural, and personal adversity, they still were determined to do well academically. Their self-resourcefulness together with the academic and emotional support they received from faculty, tutors, counselors, and family, contributed to their academic achievement at Bronx Community College.

A major implication of this study is the importance of understanding the role of educational institutions in promoting the academic success of Latina/o students. Supportive faculty members, as well as tutoring, career seminars, and counseling services, were instrumental in the success of the students who participated in this study. Moreover, it is clear that programs that foster relationship building among students (particularly in their first year), are effective in creating social support networks in which students assist and learn from each other (on and off-campus).

Administrators and educators could take the following steps to assist Latina/o English-language learners and other English-language learners achieve academic success in college. It is best to provide services for English-language learners in one location where students can receive tutoring, counseling, and other support services. Services should include audio and visual learning resources. In addition, a counselor should be assigned to work with English-language learners and conduct support groups to assist them to integrate to college and to a new culture. The counselor should be bilingual in order to be able to communicate with students in their native language. Latina/o English-language learners often feel more comfortable expressing their feelings and discussing their personal concerns in Spanish.

In order to promote academic achievement of ethnic-minority students, it is important to understand and accept their cultural differences. Faculty members who were perceived as supportive by participants were able to connect with participants because they were sensitive to the personal and cultural needs of their students. Instructors should learn as much as possible about their students’ cultural beliefs, values, learning styles, and personal challenges that they are dealing with off-campus. Ignoring these considerations may have negative consequences for students.

In order to retain Latino English-language learners, the community colleges need to conduct professional development initiatives for faculty designed to inform faculty members about the academic and cultural needs of Latino English-language learners. Faculty members must develop a basic understanding about the academic and cultural barriers experienced by numerous English-language learners, and they must be able to provide academic and emotional support. In addition, educational institutions should provide more support to faculty members and instructors (e.g. reducing the number of classes they teach in one semester), so that the faculty members have the time and energy to help the students that need the most help. In sum, faculty members and school personnel (e.g. counselors and tutors) need to be aware of the tremendous positive influence they can have on Latino students, despite the socioeconomic and cultural barriers that often stand in these students’ paths.

References
Reynoso, N.A. (2008). Academic resiliency among Dominican English-language learners.
Community College Journal of Research and Practice, 32(4), 391-434.

Arellando, A.R. & Padilla, A. (1996). Academic invulnerability among a select group of Latino university students. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 18(4), 485-508.

College Adjustment and Success Among Southeast-Asian-American, Hispanic, and White Students

2008-07-11T19:12:22Z

Policy Memo by: Francisco A. Lopez

Strage, A. (2008). Predictors of college adjustment and success: similarities and differences among Southeast-Asian-American, Hispanic and White students. Education, 120 (4), 731 – 740.

The Problem
During the last 10 years researchers have increased their understanding of the connections between college students’ ethnic background and home environment and their educational achievement (Strage, 2008). With respects to “traditional” college students, those who are 18 – 22 years old, are not students of color, come from middle class homes, and whose parents attended college, there is a much clearer understanding of the formula for their academic success (Weidman, 1989). On the other hand, the same clarity is not there for Southeast-Asian-American, and Hispanic college students. What many researchers are aware of is that minorities, especially Hispanics, are increasing in large numbers in most areas of the Unites States, however, the number of these students entering college and graduating from college remain low and unchanged (Astin, 1982; Justiz, 1994; Tinto, 1993). Researchers have explored various factors that place students of color at a relative educational disadvantage. These include aspects of the broader community (role models, educational perception, financial pressure, and family responsibilities) (Ogbu, 1992), values on education (Goldenberg, & Gallimore, 1995), family attitudes and daily practices relating to a youths’ education (Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987), parents’ investment in their children’s educational knowledge (Goldenberg, & Gallimore), and students of color’s comfort level and feelings of acceptance and validation while on campus (Lang & Ford, 1992; Padilla, Trevino, Gonzalez, & Trevino, 1997). This study explored the relationships among students’ grades, their motivational profiles, aspects of their family backgrounds, and ratings of their rapport with the instructors and their peers within and across ethnic groups. The researcher wanted to begin to address differences among Southeast-Asian-American, Hispanic, and White college students.

Research Approach
The data reported in this study were part of a large-scale investigation of factors relating to the achievement and achievement motivation of a cohort of students from a large metropolitan university in California. The sample of students consisted of 73 White students, 40 Southeast-Asian-American students, and 37 Hispanic students. Most were Child Development majors. Students completed the Student Attitudes and Perceptions Survey (SAPS). The first part of this survey consisted of items designed to yield a profile of the respondents family background, including (a) socioeconomic status, (b) parents’ and other family members’ educational background, (c) values stressed in their families and (d) parenting styles experienced during childhood up to the present. Ratings from the parenting items were then combined into three scale scores corresponding to the dimensions of authoritative parenting: Autonomy, Demands, and Supportiveness.

In the second section, students reported their overall Grade Point Average (GPA), and GPA in their major. This section also includes items comprising three scales encompassing mastery achievement orientation to college: Confidence, Persistence, and Task Involvement.

The third part of the SAPS measured students’ comfort level with their instructors and their peers.

Major Findings

1. Academic adjustment and success?
White students had higher GPA’s both overall and in their majors when compared to South-Asian-American, and Hispanic students.

South-Asian-American students were found to be less confident, less persistent, and less task-involved than the students in either group suggesting a higher degree of learned helplessness.

Hispanic students were found to have a relatively high score for Confidence, Task Involvement, and Persistence, suggesting a higher degree of mastery orientation.

2. Family background characteristics?
White students reported the highest levels of father’s and mother’s education, while Hispanic students reported the lowest. In addition, Hispanic students were most likely to be the first collegian in their families compared to both White and South-Asian-American students.

Both White students and Hispanic students rated their parents higher on degree of Autonomy Granting, and Support when compared to South-Asian-American students.

Religion and religious education were stressed mostly among families of Hispanic students, whereas Southeast-Asian-American students reported parents stressing bringing honor to one’s family.

There were no group differences in the importance of academic education.

3. Adjustment to campus life?
No significant group differences where found.

4. Perceptions of the college environment and family background in relation to academic success?
Teacher Rapport was positively and significantly related to all indices of college success and adjustment.

The more autonomy students reported their parents granted them, the higher their adjustment and success ratings. Students whose parents stressed the importance of moral and academic education also reported higher levels of confidence and persistence.

Socioeconomic status and parental education were significantly and positively correlated with major GPA, but not other indices of adjustment and success.

Policy Implications
These findings underscore the importance of understanding different achievement motivational dynamics in helping students of color not only improve their grades but their overall success. In this study, although Hispanics had low grades they where found to be highly confident, focused, and persistent. It may be beneficial for institutions to be aware of these qualities among their Hispanic student population and be creative in encouraging students to use these qualities to achieve and maintain higher GPAs.

In addition, these results further support the need for additional measures of college success and adjustment such as confidence, persistence, and task involvement. However, the fact that a student is the first collegian in their family, as Hispanic students are most likely to be, should be considered among universities as a success, and students should be acknowledged and rewarded for it. This will increase their rapport with the university, and also be a motivational factor in completing their college education. The findings supported the relationship between positive rapport with teachers and overall success and adjustment. Therefore, if teachers also understand the significance of a student being the first collegian in their family, they too can play a part in student retention among Hispanics.

Finally, understanding the cultural role of family in the success of Hispanics can also help universities and high schools prepare students for college. Hispanics tend to have high levels of emotional support and autonomy, but may be in more need of instrumental support. Universities and even high schools could provide this support by making available resources to families at an early stage of the college search process and by linking families with college mentors.

Tracking and High School English Learners: Limiting Opportunity to Learn

2008-07-11T19:09:09Z

Policy Memo by: Maritza E. González

Callahan, R. (2005). Tracking and high school English learners: Limiting opportunity to learn. American Educational Research Journal, 42(2), 305-328.

The Problem
According to the newly released Pew Hispanic Center report (2008), The Role of Schools in the English Language Learner Achievement Gap, approximately 4 million English Language Learners were enrolled in U.S. public schools and 70% of these students attend schools in five states (Arizona, California, Florida, New York, and Texas). The expected growth in the English Language Learner (ELL) population in schools, as well as their continuous underperformance in both mathematics and reading/language arts, indicate a clear concern for this population’s future educational and professional opportunities.

As the research reflects, “English learners experience U.S. schools and schooling differently than their native English speaking counterparts” (Minicucci & Olsen, 1992 in Callahan, p. 309). “Teachers, principals, and counselors frequently, though perhaps inadvertently, interpret limited English proficiency as a form of limited intelligence and place students in low track classes to compensate for this perceived deficiency” (Callahan, p. 310). ELL students are often placed in classes described as “substandard, limited to low level, remedial course work” (Harklau, 1999; Olsen, 1997 in Callahan, p. 309) and segregated from other English speaking students. ELL students are limited in English proficiency, not necessarily in mathematical or other academic and social skills. Segregating ELL students to low class structures is possibly providing a disservice rather than helping them attain English proficiency.

Another problem with low track placement is that many ELL students remain in these low track classes after several years in U.S. public school systems. According to Liquantin (2001), “while educational policies in some states require only oral proficiency in English, others require that students demonstrate academic proficiency through standardized achievement test results. Overly stringent policies have inadvertently created a class of English learners unable to exit English learner programs” (Callahan, p. 306). In California for example, “sixty eight percent of the 7th to 12th grade students taking the California English Language Development Test (CELDT) in 2003 reported having been in California schools 7 years or more” (Callahan, p. 306). The curricular disadvantages that ELL students face in current English language learner programs is problematic because it severely limits their K-12 educational opportunities and the opportunity to one day pursue higher education.

Callahan’s research therefore specifically looked at track placement and the success of English language learners by asking “Does track placement or English proficiency predict the academic achievement of high school English Learners?” (Callahan, 2005, p. 312)

Research Approach
This quantitative study used data collected from a rural high school in California that is comparable to the schools that many other English learners attend. The researcher used the entire high school’s English Learner population during the spring of 2002 as the sample (N=355). Demographic and achievement data including grade point average (GPA), standardized test scores, SAT9 and California High School Exit Exam scores were obtained from the school’s database. Additional student information, such as years of residence and previous schooling, were obtained from department records. Participants were 55% male, 42% were 10th grade, 37% were in 11th grade, and 21% were 12th graders. Sixty percent of the participating students were “long term English learners” meaning that they had enrolled in California schools for 5 years or more.

For the purpose of this study, students were classified into three groups: (1) Long term English learners (English learners who had been in U.S. schools for at least 5 years), (2) recent immigrants with high amounts of previous schooling, and (3) recent immigrants with limited previous schooling. Track placement is defined “according to the proportion of classes on a student’s transcript that met college entry into a 4 year university in California, two thirds of [the student’s] coursework, on average, must meet college entry requirements” (Callahan, p. 315).

Major Findings
Callahan’s research findings indicate that “while learning English is obviously necessary and important for long term academic success . . . it is neither the sole nor the primary determinant of academic success for English learners” (Callahan, p. 316).

•Track Placement as a Predictor of Academic Achievement
“Track placement proved to be significant in predicting all four non-language based
academic outcomes” whereas “English proficiency level was significant only in predicting performance on two language based academic achievement measures: SAT9 reading and CAHSEE language arts” (Callahan, p. 316).

•Interaction of Track Placement and English Proficiency Level
Beginning English learners obtained higher grades in comparison to advanced English learners. The lower grades for more advanced students Callahan presumes can be attributed to teachers’ lower academic expectations rather than language proficiency. Students in advanced levels are also entering mainstream classes which may be far more challenging than previously experienced in their English Language programs.

According to the study, only less than 2 percent of participants were enrolled in college preparatory classes that would make them eligible for admission to a four year university.

•English Learner Cohort
There are numerous academic differences among the English learner cohorts (recent immigrants with a lot of schooling, recent immigrants with limited schooling and long term English learners). Although long term English learners performed significantly better in the SAT9 total reading, their mean scores were lower than recent immigrant groups on three of the six academic achievement outcomes. One key finding in this study was that “there were no significant differences in performance on the high school exit exanimation according to English learner cohorts” (Callahan, p. 320).

The research suggests that for secondary English learners, “the significant differences in academic performance according to English learner cohort support an argument for instructional quality over linguistic quantity” (Callahan, p. 320). These findings are very important and can inform policy makers and educators regarding the current linguistic achievement gap.

Policy Implications
The research findings indicate the need to review and revise current educational policies affecting English Language Learners. As the population of English learners continues to grow, it is clear that there is a need for English learners to have access to quality education, including academic subjects while learning the English language.

Currently, “many English learners find themselves enrolled in low track curricula with limited exposure to either the content or discourse necessary to enter into higher education” (Callahan, p. 321). In Callahan’s study, 98% of the ELL students were NOT registered for classes needed to apply to a four year institution. Providing ELL students with quality education, including a variety of subjects required of English speaking students, will provide them with the opportunity to perform better in assessments and will also open future educational and professional opportunities.

“Frequently, English learners are inadequately informed as to the breadth of their choices and the consequences of taking one class over another (DeLany, 1991, Romo & Falbo, 1996 in Callahan, p. 321). School counselors, teachers, parents and students should all be participants in deciding the courses ELL students should take. These courses should be selected to ensure that they meet or exceed state ELL requirements as well as challenge and advance the English language learners’ educational opportunities.

ELL state requirements should be reviewed to facilitate exiting ELL programs. Stringent requirements often create blocks for students to exit ELL programs leaving students in advanced English learner levels even seven years after first enrolling in U.S. schools.

Additionally, second language acquisition programs, such as bilingual education, should also be revisited to avoid segregating ELL students from English speakers as they acquire language skills and academic content.

Policies affecting English learners need to be revisited and adjusted to their changing needs. Although learning English is important and necessary, it is just as important for English learners to develop math, science, social studies, and literacy skills as expected of their fellow English speaking students.

References
Callahan, R. (2005). Tracking and high school English learners: Limiting opportunity to learn. American Educational Research Journal, 42(2), 305-328.

Fry, R. (2008). The role of schools in the English languagelLearner achievement gap. Available at: http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/89.pdf

IMPROVING EQUITY AND ACCESS FOR LOW-INCOME AND MINORITY YOUTH INTO INSTITUTIONS OF HIGHER EDUCATION

2008-07-11T19:05:11Z

Policy Memo by: Alicia De León

Ward, N. L. (2006). Improving equity and access for low-income and minority youth into institutions of higher education. Urban Education, 41(1), 50-70.

The Problem
Hispanic and African American students face multiple social and institutional factors (e.g. racial bias, peer group influence, low teacher expectations) that contribute to their poor academic performance and help widen the persistent achievement gap as compared to their Caucasian peers. Specifically, research on the effects of poverty experienced by racial and ethnic minority children and adolescents have identified the profound negative impact on their school performance and educational attainment (Caldas & Bankston, 1997). An additional predictor of educational attainment and college enrollment for Hispanic students, for example, has been linked to their parents’ level of education (USDOE, 2001). Nonetheless, educational programs and practices at the different stages of the educational pipe line merit attention as to what methods are being implemented to address the problem of the achievement gap for low-income minority students. This study examines long-standing federal educational initiatives intended to improve the educational attainment and access for low-income and underrepresented minorities. In particular, this study examined an in-school intervention program called GEAR UP (Gaining Early Awareness and Readiness for Undergraduate Programs) that serves approximately 1.2 million Hispanic and African American middle school students in 47 American states.

Research Approach
Ward (2006) presented a case study of the Connecticut GEAR UP Project implement in two of the largest and poorest urban metropolitan areas in Connecticut. Program services delivered to seventh and eight grader GEAR UP participants were examined for various school districts (specific districts not mentioned in the article). Qualitative data were gathered through observing curriculum workshops that featured eight modules and 42 sessions (e.g. college awareness, managing important school transitions, positive identity development), professional development workshops for teachers, 6-week summer programs, and parent programs. The study also looked at the Maximizing Adolscent Academic eXcelence (The MAAX) framework that helps inform and guide the GEAR UP program about the racial and ethnic identity development and socialization of its participants.

Major Findings
This relatively new federal initiative (i.e. GEAR UP was established in 1998) targets cohorts of seventh-grade students through high school and into college to boost their academic achievement and increase their college enrollment into institutions of higher education. GEAR UP joins the supportive federally funded programs like TRIO that are “designed to address issues of educational inequity and access to higher education specifically for socioeconomically disadvantaged and underrepresented minority groups” (Ward, p.55). Three major findings emerged from the data: policies promoting excellence for all students, collaboration among various social, institutional and familial sources, and challenges faced by districts to institutionalize the program.

1. Increase Academic Expectations through school policies. Certain districts (not specified) instituted policies that have abolished academic tracking. No further specifications were mentioned on these policies. In addition mathematics courses that weren’t adequately preparing students for college were eliminated from core high school curricula increasing pedagogical standards. An unspecified district in Connecticut instituted a policy mandating that students pass Algebra and Geometry to successfully graduate from high school (Ward, 2006).

2. Ensure College Readiness and Enrollment. School districts have implemented necessary academic support programs such as Saturday academies, after-school mathematics tutorials, and summer programs, to name a few, to ensure that students successfully graduate from high school by increasing the academic expectations and support for all students.

3. Parent Involvement. The GEAR UP initiative involved parents as an integral part of a district’s curriculum committee. Parents participated in information sessions empowering them to advocate for their children. GEAR UP trained parents to successfully negotiate and navigate the school system. Parents also were encouraged to participate in in-state and out-of-state college field trips as well as informational workshops detailing the courses their college-bound child should be taking (Ward, p. 63).

Policy Implications
The GEAR UP programs in Connecticut demonstrated a promising model of systemic school reform that “offers both a top down approach and bottom-up approach to addressing the educational inequities that exist for disadvantaged and minority youth -- culturally competent programs that empower parents and youth” (Ward, p. 65). Although, GEAR UP provides, for example, undergraduate and graduate university mentors to participating seventh and eighth grade students, engages parents to be on the same page with their children about early college awareness, and seems to positively impact students’ engagement in academics and educational aspirations, there are very few assessment data available regarding the program’s effectiveness. There is a great need to provide more research data that address the impact of GEAR UP on students’ performance on standardized assessments. Also, more data are needed on students’ high school graduation and college enrollment rates.

One of the challenges that the GEAR UP program confronts is the development of a successful implementation process for districts that are not already participating. The GEAR UP program conveys impressive educational outcomes for low-income minority students but lacks methodological rigor to strengthen such claims of success. In order for partnerships (i.e. school districts and state, community, and university entities) to become fully involved in implementing a GEAR UP program in their district, key players and gatekeepers need to buy-in to the initial planning phases of the project. Therefore, it is essential that “theory-driven models linking program components to realistic, measurable outcomes-based evaluation” be designed to sell the GEAR UP program to more non-participating states and districts in the United States (Connell & Klem, 2000). Another critical task is to chronicle how school reform initiatives become institutionalized.

To support the call for educational structural change, this study focused on in-school intervention programs (e.g. GEAR UP) to improve the achievement outcomes and reduce educational inequalities that prevail among low-income and minority students. It is particularly critical for programs such as GEAR UP to exist in middle schools to provide support, encouragement, and high expectations for ninth and tenth graders who are most vulnerable to poor performance or dropping out from school all together. Lastly, academic intervention programs will be most successful in reducing the effects of poverty on school achievement outcomes for Hispanic and African American students if strategies that include effective and sustained leadership, small class sizes, high expectations for students, rigorous academic coursework, and supportive activities, to name a few, are carried out in programs such as GEAR UP.

References
Caldas, S.J., & Bankston, C. (1997). Effect of school population socioeconomic status on individual academic achievement. The Journal of Educational Research, 90(5), 269-277.

Connett, J.P., & Klem, A.M. (2000). You can get there from here: Using a theory of change approach to plan urban education reform. The Journal of Educational and Psychological Consultation, 11(1), 92-120.

U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics. (2001). The condition of education 2001 (Report No. 2000-062). Washington, DC: Government Printing Office.

Ward, N. L. (2006). Improving Equity and Access for Low-Income and Minority Youth into Institutions of Higher Education. Urban Education, 41(1), 50-70.

My Name is Not Maria: Young Latinas Seeking Home in the Heartland

2008-07-02T15:39:42Z

Policy Memo by: Brianne A. Dávila

Williams, L.S., Alvarez, S.D., & Andrade Hauck, K.S. (2002). My name is not Maria: Young Latinas seeking home in the heartland. Social Problems 49(4), 563-584.

The Problem
This study focuses on the barriers to integration that young Latina immigrants faced while trying to integrate into American society. The study examines the experiences of non-English speaking adolescent girls in a mid-western city, referred to as Center City. The city has recently experienced an increase in Latina/o immigration and many of the young immigrants are placed in English as a Second Language (ESL) courses at Center City High School. The authors analyze the process of acculturation and explore the intersecting gender, ethnic, and immigrant identities of the participants. The article uncovers the mechanisms of social control that affect the integration opportunities available to the young Latinas, the English language development process for the girls as compared to their male counterparts, and the social norms surrounding appearance that adversely affect the young women in the study.

Research Approach
As a theoretical approach, the authors draw from the areas of assimilation studies, minority education, immigration, migration, and gender in order to understand the experiences of the young Latinas. The authors seek to understand the gendered acculturation processes experienced by the young Latina immigrants primarily through group interviews and individual conversations. The research findings are also informed by observations, survey data, and school staff interviews. Seventeen (nine male and eight female) Spanish-speaking students from Mexico participated in the study. The role of gender dynamics emerged from the data and the authors chose to explore the way gender affected the experiences of the students in the study.

Major Findings
According to the study, three themes emerged from the analysis:

1. Gendered Social Control. Female research participants articulated experiencing mechanisms of social control particular to their gender in both the home and school environments. This form of control served as a structural constraint on acculturation for the young Latinas in the study. The female participants indicated that family expectations kept them at home, while many of their male counterparts were able to pursue employment opportunities outside the home. The young Latinas simultaneously articulated a loyalty to their culture and families and a resistance to the gendered expectations that limited their opportunities to engage in acculturation processes outside the home. The young Latinas also articulated a frustration with the varied expectations of teachers and other school staff along gender lines. They expressed a desire for more information in order to pursue professional and educational goals, but admitted that they are most often met with low expectations from the educators in their lives. Participants also noted the varied disciplinary procedures along gender lines, citing that teachers are more commonly fearful of the young men in their classes and less likely to discipline them.

2. English Competence. The participants in this study all recognized that demonstrating English competence is a marker of acculturation. They saw English competence as a means to acquire academic and economic success. However, the students noted their limited opportunities to learn English as they were isolated in ESL classes and segregated from their English-speaking peers. They also perceived a stigma attached to speaking Spanish that affected the willingness of Chicana/o students to engage with them in Spanish. The students also expressed a frustration with the low expectations of teachers that influenced the type of work they were exposed to in ESL classes. The female participants observed the role of stereotypes as teachers assumed they had low educational aspirations. The Latinas countered this as they all expressed a desire to learn English in order to pursue future educational and professional opportunities.

3. Appearance Norms. The young Latinas in this study expressed a desire to fit in with the rest of the school population and understood physical appearance as a means to do so. However, the Latinas also held on to their ethnic identification as they chose to challenge American norms of style and dress. They maintained certain cultural markers such as long hair styled traditionally and gold jewelry that contained Catholic symbols. Class markers also affected the dress and style of the young women in this study as they noted that their classmates often wore brand-name clothes and shoes. The Latinas observed that they did not fit in, largely due to their resistance to the appearance norms evident at Central High School. However, the Latinas also recognized the importance of maintaining aspects of their ethnic identity through physical appearance.

Policy Implications
A major implication of this study is the importance of embracing the language and the culture of Latina/o immigrants as they participate in the educational system throughout the United States. The participants in this study expressed a desire to integrate into American society and aspirations to pursue social mobility through educational and professional opportunities. The Latinas in this study exposed the role of low teacher expectations in their education. Teachers can address this by assuming that all students are willing and eager to learn and treating them so. Rather than perceiving monolingual students as a challenge, teachers should embrace the opportunity to engage them on multiple levels. The participants in this study noted their limited opportunity to practice their English skills as they were segregated from their English-speaking peers. Educators should pursue opportunities for students to learn from each other, which will become increasingly possible as practices of segregation are discontinued. Research participants also noted that Chicana/o students are less willing to speak to them in Spanish due to the existing stigma attached to doing so. Educators should work to value the language abilities of all students in order to challenge this stigma and encourage students to learn from each other. Research participants noted the role of appearance norms and ethnic identification in their ability to fit into mainstream culture at Center City High School. As students learn more about each other and their respective cultures, cultural markers such as physical appearance and choice of dress will not be seen as markers of difference. In better understanding the experiences of these students, we can create more inclusive strategies in order to ensure that these students continue to rely on their cultural values and backgrounds in order to navigate the educational system.

Shaping Future Pedagogy: World Culture Awareness and Crossing Disciplines

2008-07-02T15:35:47Z

Policy Memo by: Robert D. Lemon

Lee B. & Crites E. (2003). Shaping future pedagogy: World culture awareness and crossing disciplines. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 2(3), 315-336.

The Problem
This study addresses a variety of learning strategies for U.S. college students to become sensitive to Hispanic culture through cross disciplinary course work. In this the issue is how Communication students can learn about Hispanic culture through group work with students in Spanish language classes. The main concept was to find a common link between the two disciplines that would engage both Communication and Spanish students and at the same time create cultural sensitivity amongst Communication students.

Research Approach
The study examined different cross disciplinary work by having Communication students work with Spanish students on a variety of projects that were monitored over a five year period from 1995-2000. The projects ranged from cultural observation games, poster making, and writing bi-lingual news letters to researching issues in Latin American countries. The projects first exposed students to cultural differences and then asked the students to engage in the culture through research which “introduces a critical thinking component to the task”. At times the students worked directly with one another and at other times no direct contact was allowed; the work was done via email across different campuses. The study’s main goals were to answer the following research questions:

Question 1: How do cross-discipline projects motivate students to learn?
Question 2: How are cross-discipline projects beneficial to students?
Question 3: How do cross-discipline projects change students?

Major Findings
According to the study, the following were perceived to be positive findings related to successful cross disciplinary work for students:

1. Students perform better when there is hands-on work that produces a finished project.
2. Regardless of the student’s interests, exposing students in non-culturally related fields to Spanish and issues in Spanish speaking countries forces the student to consider the importance of language and culture as well as to form a global perspective.
3. Students may forget the interdisciplinary projects that they have worked on but the students don’t forget the overarching lesson that culture is important. Students thus maintain a cultural awareness and sensitivity to cultures unlike their own.
4. Allow the students to engage the culture through creative means.

Policy Implications
This study brings to light the importance of cultural awareness for all students regardless of their discipline. In a global world it is important to understand people from various cultures as well as world issues. Introducing Communication students to culture by working with Spanish students has established a framework for other fields as well. For example, Architecture, Business, Economics, and City Planning are all disciplines that could benefit from having cross disciplinary course work with any foreign language class or a cultural geography class. Students could work on projects that are in foreign countries and be asked to plan and design projects based on the cultural values of the study region.

Too often students who don’t study culture become the decision makers that influence world politics or international business relations. It is important to expose all students, regardless of their field, to world issues, foreign languages, and to instill in them cultural sensitivity. Steps should be taken to encourage non-culturally related fields to work with foreign language departments to broaden the perspectives of all students in order to see how there exists a common thread between their disciplines.

Professors or instructors in foreign language fields can narrow the gap between disciplines by reaching out to professors in other fields and collaborate on projects. Likewise professors or instructors in non-culturally related fields can go to foreign language departments to set up cross disciplinary course work.

Once relations between instructors of different fields have been arranged steps should be taken to establish projects that will engage the students. As projects are created, the following should be kept in mind:

1. Choose a project that is relevant to both fields.
2. Before the project begins expose the non-culturally related field to cultural clues by allowing them to observe the culture (e.g., have Spanish students act out performances in Spanish, visit a cultural enclave in the city, watch programs from the cultural region involved, or if possible visit the region).
3. Choose a project that will produce a final body of work that the students can be proud of (e.g., a bi-lingual community news letter that the students can keep).
4. Encourage creativity from students.
5. Choose projects that are based within a local community or in a foreign country that the students can actively engage in.
6. Choose projects that have a bi-lingual emphasis (e.g., producing newsletters or posters in Spanish and English).
7. Allow students of both fields to work closely to facilitate learning from one another and to ensure that course work is finished on time.
8. Listen to student suggestions. If they have good ideas that take the work to a higher level, allow them to go ahead with them.
9. Instructors should be enthusiastic of the work at hand. Enthusiasm from instructors is like electricity that passes down through the students.
10. Finally remember that the main objective of the project is to expose students to other cultures. Make sure that the students are aware of this objective.

Encouraging non-cultural fields to engage in projects that create a cultural awareness in students is not only beneficial to understanding the culture at hand but also in developing an educated society at large that has a cultural sensitivity to people not like themselves.

References
Lee B. & Crites E. (2003). Shaping future pedagogy: World culture awareness and crossing disciplines. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 23), 315-336.

Educational self-efficacy of college women: Implications for theory, research, and practice

2008-07-02T14:20:49Z

Policy memo by: Glenny A. Valoy

Rayle, A. D., Arredondo, P., & Robinson Kurpius, S. E. (2005). Educational self-efficacy of college women: Implications for theory, research, and practice. Journal of Counseling and Development, 83(3), 361-366.

The Problem
Higher academic achievement among minority groups continues as a subject of interest among scholars and policy makers at all levels. In the 21st century, with Latina/os being the fastest growing group in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau, 2000), the need to explore Latina/os’ experiences in colleges and universities has become paramount. In a recent study published by the Pew Foundation it was noted that higher education represents an individual’s upward mobility in society, financially, and intellectually (Fry, 2002). It is distressing to see that Latina/os are increasingly lagging behind in their acquisition of a college degree, even though they are registering in equal numbers as compared to whites and other minority groups (Santiago & Brown, 2004). Hispanics and other minority groups, therefore, must be at the top of the agenda for legislators and community organizations in order to educate the public about the financial and academic struggles of this growing minority group in American society.

Research Method
This quantitative study consisted of surveying 876 first-year undergraduates enrolled in a southwestern university with the purpose of exploring what psychosocial factors impact the students’ academic persistence (or academic efficacy). Most of the students surveyed were females (n=549) with 153 grouped in a category labeled women of color. Participants for the study were recruited via first-level college courses and through ethnic/racial minority students’ organizations. The survey included demographic questions along with other specific instruments, such as the Personal Valuing of Education Scale and the Family Valuing of Education Scale, both authored by Gloria (1993).

The study addressed the following four questions:

1. What demographic variables are related to educational self-efficacy of female undergraduates?
2. What are the relationships among personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, self-esteem, academic stress, and education self-efficacy for female undergraduates?
3. Do personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, self-esteem, and academic stress predict education self-efficacy of female undergraduates?
4. Do undergraduate women of color differ from undergraduate Euro-American women in their personal valuing of education, family valuing of education, self-esteem, academic stress, and educational self-efficacy? (Rayle, Arredondo, & Robinson Kurpius, 2005, p. 362).

Major Findings
Parents of women of color exhibited lower levels of education and yearly income, compared to the parents of Euro-American female undergraduates. These findings were also positively related to educational self-efficacy, where students with parents with higher levels of education showed higher levels of academic self-efficacy. When looking at the second research question, the authors found that academic self-efficacy was positively related to self-esteem and family/personal valuing of education. When the levels of academic self-efficacy were high so were the levels of self-esteem and family/personal valuing of education. By contrast, when the levels of academic self-efficacy were low, so were the levels of self-esteem and family/personal valuing of education. As hypothesized, the authors also found that levels of self-esteem were negatively related to academic stress. When levels of self-esteem were high, levels of academic stress were low and vice versa.

In addressing the third research question, the authors found that “The more [the undergraduate] women valued a higher education, the greater their self-esteem, the lower their academic stress, and the higher their education self-efficacy (Rayle, Arredondo, & Robinson Kurpius, 2005, p. 363). Lastly, when addressing the fourth question, no difference was found based on the race/ethnicity of participants’ levels of self-esteem, academic stress, academic self-efficacy and personal/family valuing of education.

Policy Implications
The formulation and implementation of supportive services for minority students in their second year of college/university and beyond are instrumental to ensure these students’ successful completion of a higher education program. Study participants (both women of color and Euro-American women) exhibited similar levels of academic self-efficacy and personal valuing of education during their first year of college/university. This finding may indicate that female students, regardless of their racial/ethnic background, possess the drive to enroll in a college/university program, register for required courses, and endure the rigors of the first year of college life. However, what happens beyond the first year of college for minority females is puzzling. Latina/os and other minority groups continue to lag in college degree completion as compared to their Euro-American counterparts. Is it that these students lose interest beyond their first year of college? Or is it that there are no programs available to cultivate the initial motivation that has brought them to pursue a higher education degree?

As previously noted, Latina/os constitute the fastest growing minority group in the United States and are enrolling in colleges/universities in equal numbers to European- Americans and other minority groups. Therefore, programs to support Latina/os will enhance the educational preparedness of the new face of the American people. It is imperative to continue enhancing the apparent personal valuing of education and levels of self-esteem that minority students possess when entering a college program. Supportive programs for female college students and other minority groups beyond the first year of college are necessary to ensure these students’ successful completion of the program. College/university faculty and administrators and policy makers at all levels must become cognizant of the disadvantages faced by many minority students entering post-secondary education programs (coming from poor socioeconomic status, substandard high-schools, and being first generation of college students in their families) in order to provide a safety-net, which will lead them to academic success.

References
Fry, R. (2002). Latinos in higher education: Many enroll, too few graduate. Retrieved
on October 12, 2006 from http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/32.pdf.

Rayle, A. D., Arredondo, P., and Robinson Kurpius, S. E. (2005). Educational self-
efficacy of college women: Implications for theory, research, and practice. Journal of Counseling and Development, 83(3), 361-366.

Santiago, D. & Brown, S. (2004). Federal policy and Latinos in higher education.
Retrieved on October 12, 2006 from http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/32.pdf.

EARLY EXPERIENCES OF YOUNG MEN OF LATIN DESCENT: HERENCIA DE LOS JOVENES

2008-07-02T14:16:56Z

Policy Memo by: Yvonne J. Montoya

Griffith, B., Prezas, R., & Labercane, G. (2006). Early experiences of young men of Latin descent: Herencia de los jovenes. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 5(1), 22-34.

The Problem
Hispanic males have limited opportunities to build social capital and are not being exposed to multiple definitions or representations of success. In fact, school groups, gifted and talented programs, and conventional volunteer organizations can be perceived as inaccessible to many Hispanic students. This inaccessibility is problematic given that these organizations often foster a sense of community and help Hispanic students succeed. A major factor in the lack of recruiting and retaining Hispanic males for gifted programs stems from unclear definitions and criteria used to select who or what counts as gifted (Hilliard, 1976 & Richert, 1987 as cited in Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006). Even when Hispanics do take part in volunteer efforts their contributions are not necessarily counted. Griffith, Prezas and Labercane (2006) noted that volunteer work for the church is often considered outreach ministry rather than as volunteering or community service. However, as indicated from participant interviews, acquaintances and conversations in church can lead to the formation of social groups. Central to the rise of social groups is the way in which group members select members. Rather than invite people to participate based on assessment tools which predict a student's promise (e.g. standardized tests) students would select new members based on their individual talents, their potential and interpersonal communication skills. These types of skills can prove especially important in terms of long term success. Unfortunately even when teachers are sensitive to underrepresented groups, they are often untrained in recognizing the talents and capacities of culturally diverse students (Guskin, Peng, & Simon as cited in Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006). Therefore, additional efforts to identify talented students should be made. An example of non-traditional identification is Udall's (1987) peer nomination form in which students recognize other students they believe are gifted. These nomination forms were perceived as useful for Hispanic and non-Hispanic students and did a better job of reflecting the cultural balance of school than teacher nominations (Udall, 1987 as cited in Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006).

Research Approach
This qualitative study emerged out of previous research on Hispanic males. Researchers interviewed, talked with and collected stories from twelve prominent Hispanic men in south Texas. The stories focused on experiences the men had while growing up and they were asked to reflect upon how school affected them. These men matured and were active in civic engagement during the late 50s to early 70s. Many of the men interviewed for this particular study either did not do well in the early years of formal schooling or they reported that school was not an important influence in their lives. Instead these participants were more heavily influenced by social clubs.

Major Findings
According to the study, social clubs played a central role in the positive development of Hispanic males living in south Texas during the 1940s-60s.

1. Social clubs as social networks and social capital. Clubs such as the Corpus Christi Scorpions, DeLords, Parracutines, Della Dinese and Prima Debs sponsored dances, held parties and celebrations, organized tournaments and encouraged cooperation. In fact many of the clubs would co-sponsor activities, bands and events that benefited the entire community. Griffith, Prezas, and Labercane (2006) argue, "Therefore, the stories of the south Texas Hispanic males describe the development of social capital based on the social organization of family and friends who had to rely on each other for support and for whom it was not clear that there were unlimited numbers of chances for success ahead" (p. 27).

2. Social clubs as cultural buffers. Hispanic students were often only taught dominant ideas or beliefs about what constituted success. These students had little exposure to multiple histories, different styles and were expected to adopt the mainstream culture. ". . . social clubs provided a safety net through which the dominant culture might be strained or filtered" (Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006, p. 28) and "they served as extensions of the cultural heritages that the parents and grandparents of these men brought with them to America" (p. 31).

3. Social clubs as retention tools. "Going to school and staying in school were integral parts of the mandate of these clubs" (Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006, p. 27). Membership in these clubs was important to the young men as the clubs provided a space where these young men could retain their individuality and still be part of a group. Feeling part of something important encouraged them to stay in school and helped them make sense of dominant definitions of success. Additionally these students went to school and did homework together and worked after school together.

4. Social clubs as skill & confidence builders. Through work within their own social clubs and collaboration with other clubs, Hispanics learned relationship and communication skills, how to fundraise, organize events, recruit new members, get the community involved in multiple efforts, and leadership skills; they also were recognized for their talents. Many of the students were not recognized by teachers, principals or through other formal schooling activities nor were they considered gifted by mainstream standards. However the authors note, "what seemed clear throughout this process was that the work these young Hispanics did in the social clubs as teenagers and currently as adults identified them as being gifted or of above-average ability" (Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006, p. 27).

Policy Implications
One of the major implications of this study is the importance that a social group can have on the development of positive self-identity and ability for Hispanic males. "Although in the past there had been racial discrimination in south Texas, the existence and success of the social clubs made participation and achievement in mainstream American society possible" (Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006, p. 31). Social groups helped these men retain a maverick risk-taking nature, recognize that school success is often an indication of how well one understands and conforms to the system rather than intellectual achievement, and that there are multiple ways of defining success (Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006).

Despite the benefits of these social clubs, when club members got older and became more successful they moved out of the inner cities and into suburbs. This migration along with upward mobility and a changing era led to less activity and participation in the same types of social clubs. As social groups declined so did the social capital of Hispanic males. While the people who participated in social clubs have benefited and helped others, community involvement and civic engagement is on the decline. The authors note, " . . .contemporary Hispanic youth have no social clubs on which to build social capital. There is no formal mechanism to enable them to realize the multiparadigmatic nature of contemporary society" (Griffith, Prezas, & Labercane, 2006, p. 31). In order to support Hispanic males, Griffith, Prezas, and Labercane (2006) suggest:

1. "To recapture what the social clubs achieved, there needs to be a recognition that a double paradigm exists" (p. 31).

2. "Hispanic youth come to school with a firm belief in the American dream but with a worldview that is infused with all of these traditions that are an integral part of their cultural and linguistic heritage. They possess dangerous memories because their understandings are, in many cases, at variance with the cultural capital most schools expect of their students" (p. 32).

3. "These stories appear to indicate that the public school system was not designed, nor is currently evolving, in the direction of building social capital. The sole focus on testing and academic excellence fragments and disenfranchises young males generally, especially those who might be called mavericks because of their ethnicity" (p. 33).

4. "The solution, we suggest, is to uncover the past and allow structures such as the social clubs to thrive" (p. 33).

5. "It is essential to enhance and support public schooling in a way that builds capacity, confidence, trust, and honor and that leads to a renewal of a regional social capital" (p. 33).

References
Griffith, B., Prezas, R., & Labercane, G. (2006). Early experiences of young men of Latin descent: Herencia de los jovenes. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 5(1), 22-34.