[her] Deep and inscrutable singular Name ([info]peridoxical) wrote in [info]medievalstudies,
@ 2007-02-10 19:14:00
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Wha?
I just found this article, The Real History of the Crusades that I'd like to get your educated opinions on. I realize that this article was published in 2002, but it just came to my attention. I'm a little confused after reading it, I'm not a medieval scholar, but I have taken a few classes, and this article goes against pretty much everything I was taught. Do you guys think it's accurate?

I'll put it under a cut, too, in case you don't want to click through.


The Real History of the Crusades
By Thomas F. Madden
With the possible exception of Umberto Eco, medieval scholars are not used to getting much media attention. We tend to be a quiet lot (except during the annual bacchanalia we call the International Congress on Medieval Studies in Kalamazoo, Michigan, of all places), poring over musty chronicles and writing dull yet meticulous studies that few will read. Imagine, then, my surprise when within days of the September 11 attacks, the Middle Ages suddenly became relevant.
As a Crusade historian, I found the tranquil solitude of the ivory tower shattered by journalists, editors, and talk-show hosts on tight deadlines eager to get the real scoop. What were the Crusades?, they asked. When were they? Just how insensitive was President George W. Bush for using the word "crusade" in his remarks? With a few of my callers I had the distinct impression that they already knew the answers to their questions, or at least thought they did. What they really wanted was an expert to say it all back to them. For example, I was frequently asked to comment on the fact that the Islamic world has a just grievance against the West. Doesn’t the present violence, they persisted, have its roots in the Crusades’ brutal and unprovoked attacks against a sophisticated and tolerant Muslim world? In other words, aren’t the Crusades really to blame?
Osama bin Laden certainly thinks so. In his various video performances, he never fails to describe the American war against terrorism as a new Crusade against Islam. Ex-president Bill Clinton has also fingered the Crusades as the root cause of the present conflict. In a speech at Georgetown University, he recounted (and embellished) a massacre of Jews after the Crusader conquest of Jerusalem in 1099 and informed his audience that the episode was still bitterly remembered in the Middle East. (Why Islamist terrorists should be upset about the killing of Jews was not explained.) Clinton took a beating on the nation’s editorial pages for wanting so much to blame the United States that he was willing to reach back to the Middle Ages. Yet no one disputed the ex-president’s fundamental premise.
Well, almost no one. Many historians had been trying to set the record straight on the Crusades long before Clinton discovered them. They are not revisionists, like the American historians who manufactured the Enola Gay exhibit, but mainstream scholars offering the fruit of several decades of very careful, very serious scholarship. For them, this is a "teaching moment," an opportunity to explain the Crusades while people are actually listening. It won’t last long, so here goes.
Misconceptions about the Crusades are all too common. The Crusades are generally portrayed as a series of holy wars against Islam led by power-mad popes and fought by religious fanatics. They are supposed to have been the epitome of self-righteousness and intolerance, a black stain on the history of the Catholic Church in particular and Western civilization in general. A breed of proto-imperialists, the Crusaders introduced Western aggression to the peaceful Middle East and then deformed the enlightened Muslim culture, leaving it in ruins. For variations on this theme, one need not look far. See, for example, Steven Runciman’s famous three-volume epic, History of the Crusades, or the BBC/A&E documentary, The Crusades, hosted by Terry Jones. Both are terrible history yet wonderfully entertaining.
So what is the truth about the Crusades? Scholars are still working some of that out. But much can already be said with certainty. For starters, the Crusades to the East were in every way defensive wars. They were a direct response to Muslim aggression—an attempt to turn back or defend against Muslim conquests of Christian lands.
Christians in the eleventh century were not paranoid fanatics. Muslims really were gunning for them. While Muslims can be peaceful, Islam was born in war and grew the same way. From the time of Mohammed, the means of Muslim expansion was always the sword. Muslim thought divides the world into two spheres, the Abode of Islam and the Abode of War. Christianity—and for that matter any other non-Muslim religion—has no abode. Christians and Jews can be tolerated within a Muslim state under Muslim rule. But, in traditional Islam, Christian and Jewish states must be destroyed and their lands conquered. When Mohammed was waging war against Mecca in the seventh century, Christianity was the dominant religion of power and wealth. As the faith of the Roman Empire, it spanned the entire Mediterranean, including the Middle East, where it was born. The Christian world, therefore, was a prime target for the earliest caliphs, and it would remain so for Muslim leaders for the next thousand years.
With enormous energy, the warriors of Islam struck out against the Christians shortly after Mohammed’s death. They were extremely successful. Palestine, Syria, and Egypt—once the most heavily Christian areas in the world—quickly succumbed. By the eighth century, Muslim armies had conquered all of Christian North Africa and Spain. In the eleventh century, the Seljuk Turks conquered Asia Minor (modern Turkey), which had been Christian since the time of St. Paul. The old Roman Empire, known to modern historians as the Byzantine Empire, was reduced to little more than Greece. In desperation, the emperor in Constantinople sent word to the Christians of western Europe asking them to aid their brothers and sisters in the East.
That is what gave birth to the Crusades. They were not the brainchild of an ambitious pope or rapacious knights but a response to more than four centuries of conquests in which Muslims had already captured two-thirds of the old Christian world. At some point, Christianity as a faith and a culture had to defend itself or be subsumed by Islam. The Crusades were that defense.
Pope Urban II called upon the knights of Christendom to push back the conquests of Islam at the Council of Clermont in 1095. The response was tremendous. Many thousands of warriors took the vow of the cross and prepared for war. Why did they do it? The answer to that question has been badly misunderstood. In the wake of the Enlightenment, it was usually asserted that Crusaders were merely lacklands and ne’er-do-wells who took advantage of an opportunity to rob and pillage in a faraway land. The Crusaders’ expressed sentiments of piety, self-sacrifice, and love for God were obviously not to be taken seriously. They were only a front for darker designs.
During the past two decades, computer-assisted charter studies have demolished that contrivance. Scholars have discovered that crusading knights were generally wealthy men with plenty of their own land in Europe. Nevertheless, they willingly gave up everything to undertake the holy mission. Crusading was not cheap. Even wealthy lords could easily impoverish themselves and their families by joining a Crusade. They did so not because they expected material wealth (which many of them had already) but because they hoped to store up treasure where rust and moth could not corrupt. They were keenly aware of their sinfulness and eager to undertake the hardships of the Crusade as a penitential act of charity and love. Europe is littered with thousands of medieval charters attesting to these sentiments, charters in which these men still speak to us today if we will listen. Of course, they were not opposed to capturing booty if it could be had. But the truth is that the Crusades were notoriously bad for plunder. A few people got rich, but the vast majority returned with nothing.
* * *
Urban II gave the Crusaders two goals, both of which would remain central to the eastern Crusades for centuries. The first was to rescue the Christians of the East. As his successor, Pope Innocent III, later wrote:
How does a man love according to divine precept his neighbor as himself when, knowing that his Christian brothers in faith and in name are held by the perfidious Muslims in strict confinement and weighed down by the yoke of heaviest servitude, he does not devote himself to the task of freeing them? ...Is it by chance that you do not know that many thousands of Christians are bound in slavery and imprisoned by the Muslims, tortured with innumerable torments?
"Crusading," Professor Jonathan Riley-Smith has rightly argued, was understood as an "an act of love"—in this case, the love of one’s neighbor. The Crusade was seen as an errand of mercy to right a terrible wrong. As Pope Innocent III wrote to the Knights Templar, "You carry out in deeds the words of the Gospel, ‘Greater love than this hath no man, that he lay down his life for his friends.’"
The second goal was the liberation of Jerusalem and the other places made holy by the life of Christ. The word crusade is modern. Medieval Crusaders saw themselves as pilgrims, performing acts of righteousness on their way to the Holy Sepulcher. The Crusade indulgence they received was canonically related to the pilgrimage indulgence. This goal was frequently described in feudal terms. When calling the Fifth Crusade in 1215, Innocent III wrote:
Consider most dear sons, consider carefully that if any temporal king was thrown out of his domain and perhaps captured, would he not, when he was restored to his pristine liberty and the time had come for dispensing justice look on his vassals as unfaithful and traitors...unless they had committed not only their property but also their persons to the task of freeing him? ...And similarly will not Jesus Christ, the king of kings and lord of lords, whose servant you cannot deny being, who joined your soul to your body, who redeemed you with the Precious Blood...condemn you for the vice of ingratitude and the crime of infidelity if you neglect to help Him?
The reconquest of Jerusalem, therefore, was not colonialism but an act of restoration and an open declaration of one’s love of God. Medieval men knew, of course, that God had the power to restore Jerusalem Himself—indeed, He had the power to restore the whole world to His rule. Yet as St. Bernard of Clairvaux preached, His refusal to do so was a blessing to His people:
Again I say, consider the Almighty’s goodness and pay heed to His plans of mercy. He puts Himself under obligation to you, or rather feigns to do so, that He can help you to satisfy your obligations toward Himself.... I call blessed the generation that can seize an opportunity of such rich indulgence as this.
It is often assumed that the central goal of the Crusades was forced conversion of the Muslim world. Nothing could be further from the truth. From the perspective of medieval Christians, Muslims were the enemies of Christ and His Church. It was the Crusaders’ task to defeat and defend against them. That was all. Muslims who lived in Crusader-won territories were generally allowed to retain their property and livelihood, and always their religion. Indeed, throughout the history of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, Muslim inhabitants far outnumbered the Catholics. It was not until the 13th century that the Franciscans began conversion efforts among Muslims. But these were mostly unsuccessful and finally abandoned. In any case, such efforts were by peaceful persuasion, not the threat of violence.
The Crusades were wars, so it would be a mistake to characterize them as nothing but piety and good intentions. Like all warfare, the violence was brutal (although not as brutal as modern wars). There were mishaps, blunders, and crimes. These are usually well-remembered today. During the early days of the First Crusade in 1095, a ragtag band of Crusaders led by Count Emicho of Leiningen made its way down the Rhine, robbing and murdering all the Jews they could find. Without success, the local bishops attempted to stop the carnage. In the eyes of these warriors, the Jews, like the Muslims, were the enemies of Christ. Plundering and killing them, then, was no vice. Indeed, they believed it was a righteous deed, since the Jews’ money could be used to fund the Crusade to Jerusalem. But they were wrong, and the Church strongly condemned the anti-Jewish attacks.
Fifty years later, when the Second Crusade was gearing up, St. Bernard frequently preached that the Jews were not to be persecuted:
Ask anyone who knows the Sacred Scriptures what he finds foretold of the Jews in the Psalm. "Not for their destruction do I pray," it says. The Jews are for us the living words of Scripture, for they remind us always of what our Lord suffered.... Under Christian princes they endure a hard captivity, but "they only wait for the time of their deliverance."
Nevertheless, a fellow Cistercian monk named Radulf stirred up people against the Rhineland Jews, despite numerous letters from Bernard demanding that he stop. At last Bernard was forced to travel to Germany himself, where he caught up with Radulf, sent him back to his convent, and ended the massacres.
It is often said that the roots of the Holocaust can be seen in these medieval pogroms. That may be. But if so, those roots are far deeper and more widespread than the Crusades. Jews perished during the Crusades, but the purpose of the Crusades was not to kill Jews. Quite the contrary: Popes, bishops, and preachers made it clear that the Jews of Europe were to be left unmolested. In a modern war, we call tragic deaths like these "collateral damage." Even with smart technologies, the United States has killed far more innocents in our wars than the Crusaders ever could. But no one would seriously argue that the purpose of American wars is to kill women and children.
By any reckoning, the First Crusade was a long shot. There was no leader, no chain of command, no supply lines, no detailed strategy. It was simply thousands of warriors marching deep into enemy territory, committed to a common cause. Many of them died, either in battle or through disease or starvation. It was a rough campaign, one that seemed always on the brink of disaster. Yet it was miraculously successful. By 1098, the Crusaders had restored Nicaea and Antioch to Christian rule. In July 1099, they conquered Jerusalem and began to build a Christian state in Palestine. The joy in Europe was unbridled. It seemed that the tide of history, which had lifted the Muslims to such heights, was now turning.
* * *
But it was not. When we think about the Middle Ages, it is easy to view Europe in light of what it became rather than what it was. The colossus of the medieval world was Islam, not Christendom. The Crusades are interesting largely because they were an attempt to counter that trend. But in five centuries of crusading, it was only the First Crusade that significantly rolled back the military progress of Islam. It was downhill from there.
When the Crusader County of Edessa fell to the Turks and Kurds in 1144, there was an enormous groundswell of support for a new Crusade in Europe. It was led by two kings, Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany, and preached by St. Bernard himself. It failed miserably. Most of the Crusaders were killed along the way. Those who made it to Jerusalem only made things worse by attacking Muslim Damascus, which formerly had been a strong ally of the Christians. In the wake of such a disaster, Christians across Europe were forced to accept not only the continued growth of Muslim power but the certainty that God was punishing the West for its sins. Lay piety movements sprouted up throughout Europe, all rooted in the desire to purify Christian society so that it might be worthy of victory in the East.
Crusading in the late twelfth century, therefore, became a total war effort. Every person, no matter how weak or poor, was called to help. Warriors were asked to sacrifice their wealth and, if need be, their lives for the defense of the Christian East. On the home front, all Christians were called to support the Crusades through prayer, fasting, and alms. Yet still the Muslims grew in strength. Saladin, the great unifier, had forged the Muslim Near East into a single entity, all the while preaching jihad against the Christians. In 1187 at the Battle of Hattin, his forces wiped out the combined armies of the Christian Kingdom of Jerusalem and captured the precious relic of the True Cross. Defenseless, the Christian cities began surrendering one by one, culminating in the surrender of Jerusalem on October 2. Only a tiny handful of ports held out.
The response was the Third Crusade. It was led by Emperor Frederick I Barbarossa of the German Empire, King Philip II Augustus of France, and King Richard I Lionheart of England. By any measure it was a grand affair, although not quite as grand as the Christians had hoped. The aged Frederick drowned while crossing a river on horseback, so his army returned home before reaching the Holy Land. Philip and Richard came by boat, but their incessant bickering only added to an already divisive situation on the ground in Palestine. After recapturing Acre, the king of France went home, where he busied himself carving up Richard’s French holdings. The Crusade, therefore, fell into Richard’s lap. A skilled warrior, gifted leader, and superb tactician, Richard led the Christian forces to victory after victory, eventually reconquering the entire coast. But Jerusalem was not on the coast, and after two abortive attempts to secure supply lines to the Holy City, Richard at last gave up. Promising to return one day, he struck a truce with Saladin that ensured peace in the region and free access to Jerusalem for unarmed pilgrims. But it was a bitter pill to swallow. The desire to restore Jerusalem to Christian rule and regain the True Cross remained intense throughout Europe.
The Crusades of the 13th century were larger, better funded, and better organized. But they too failed. The Fourth Crusade (1201-1204) ran aground when it was seduced into a web of Byzantine politics, which the Westerners never fully understood. They had made a detour to Constantinople to support an imperial claimant who promised great rewards and support for the Holy Land. Yet once he was on the throne of the Caesars, their benefactor found that he could not pay what he had promised. Thus betrayed by their Greek friends, in 1204 the Crusaders attacked, captured, and brutally sacked Constantinople, the greatest Christian city in the world. Pope Innocent III, who had previously excommunicated the entire Crusade, strongly denounced the Crusaders. But there was little else he could do. The tragic events of 1204 closed an iron door between Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox, a door that even today Pope John Paul II has been unable to reopen. It is a terrible irony that the Crusades, which were a direct result of the Catholic desire to rescue the Orthodox people, drove the two further—and perhaps irrevocably—apart.
The remainder of the 13th century’s Crusades did little better. The Fifth Crusade (1217-1221) managed briefly to capture Damietta in Egypt, but the Muslims eventually defeated the army and reoccupied the city. St. Louis IX of France led two Crusades in his life. The first also captured Damietta, but Louis was quickly outwitted by the Egyptians and forced to abandon the city. Although Louis was in the Holy Land for several years, spending freely on defensive works, he never achieved his fondest wish: to free Jerusalem. He was a much older man in 1270 when he led another Crusade to Tunis, where he died of a disease that ravaged the camp. After St. Louis’s death, the ruthless Muslim leaders, Baybars and Kalavun, waged a brutal jihad against the Christians in Palestine. By 1291, the Muslim forces had succeeded in killing or ejecting the last of the Crusaders, thus erasing the Crusader kingdom from the map. Despite numerous attempts and many more plans, Christian forces were never again able to gain a foothold in the region until the 19th century.
* * *
One might think that three centuries of Christian defeats would have soured Europeans on the idea of Crusade. Not at all. In one sense, they had little alternative. Muslim kingdoms were becoming more, not less, powerful in the 14th, 15th, and 16th centuries. The Ottoman Turks conquered not only their fellow Muslims, thus further unifying Islam, but also continued to press westward, capturing Constantinople and plunging deep into Europe itself. By the 15th century, the Crusades were no longer errands of mercy for a distant people but desperate attempts of one of the last remnants of Christendom to survive. Europeans began to ponder the real possibility that Islam would finally achieve its aim of conquering the entire Christian world. One of the great best-sellers of the time, Sebastian Brant’s The Ship of Fools, gave voice to this sentiment in a chapter titled "Of the Decline of the Faith":
Our faith was strong in th’ Orient,
It ruled in all of Asia,
In Moorish lands and Africa.
But now for us these lands are gone
’Twould even grieve the hardest stone....
Four sisters of our Church you find,
They’re of the patriarchic kind:
Constantinople, Alexandria,
Jerusalem, Antiochia.
But they’ve been forfeited and sacked
And soon the head will be attacked.
Of course, that is not what happened. But it very nearly did. In 1480, Sultan Mehmed II captured Otranto as a beachhead for his invasion of Italy. Rome was evacuated. Yet the sultan died shortly thereafter, and his plan died with him. In 1529, Suleiman the Magnificent laid siege to Vienna. If not for a run of freak rainstorms that delayed his progress and forced him to leave behind much of his artillery, it is virtually certain that the Turks would have taken the city. Germany, then, would have been at their mercy.
Yet, even while these close shaves were taking place, something else was brewing in Europe—something unprecedented in human history. The Renaissance, born from a strange mixture of Roman values, medieval piety, and a unique respect for commerce and entrepreneurialism, had led to other movements like humanism, the Scientific Revolution, and the Age of Exploration. Even while fighting for its life, Europe was preparing to expand on a global scale. The Protestant Reformation, which rejected the papacy and the doctrine of indulgence, made Crusades unthinkable for many Europeans, thus leaving the fighting to the Catholics. In 1571, a Holy League, which was itself a Crusade, defeated the Ottoman fleet at Lepanto. Yet military victories like that remained rare. The Muslim threat was neutralized economically. As Europe grew in wealth and power, the once awesome and sophisticated Turks began to seem backward and pathetic—no longer worth a Crusade. The "Sick Man of Europe" limped along until the 20th century, when he finally expired, leaving behind the present mess of the modern Middle East.
From the safe distance of many centuries, it is easy enough to scowl in disgust at the Crusades. Religion, after all, is nothing to fight wars over. But we should be mindful that our medieval ancestors would have been equally disgusted by our infinitely more destructive wars fought in the name of political ideologies. And yet, both the medieval and the modern soldier fight ultimately for their own world and all that makes it up. Both are willing to suffer enormous sacrifice, provided that it is in the service of something they hold dear, something greater than themselves. Whether we admire the Crusaders or not, it is a fact that the world we know today would not exist without their efforts. The ancient faith of Christianity, with its respect for women and antipathy toward slavery, not only survived but flourished. Without the Crusades, it might well have followed Zoroastrianism, another of Islam’s rivals, into extinction.
Thomas F. Madden is associate professor and chair of the Department of History at Saint Louis University. He is the author of numerous works, including A Concise History of the Crusades, and co-author, with Donald Queller, of The Fourth Crusade: The Conquest of Constantinople.




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[info]a_d_medievalist
2007-02-11 01:22 am UTC (link)
Tom Madden is a reputable scholar at a very good school. But consider the magazine in which this was printed, and check scholarly reviews of his latest books on the Crusades to see how other scholars have reacted to his approach. I think at the time this article came out, there were also discussions at HNN and the blog Cliopatria.

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[info]cordilleran2
2007-02-11 03:29 am UTC (link)
The thing is, yes, they were a response from a plea from the emperor of Byzantium....but yet, the crusades weren't a defensive war once they exited Asia Minor.

Essentially.

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[info]tarimanveri
2007-02-11 04:11 am UTC (link)
I think the major problem with the article is oversimplification - possibly, as a_d_medievalist says, more the result of the magazine and its audience than Madden's actual understanding. The causes (and results) of the Crusades were far more complicated than is implied either by this article or by the viewpoint it attempts to contradict.

That said, my knee-jerk nitpick would be that in general, Muslims allowed Christians (and Jews) to live in their states with a certain degree of protection, as long as they paid a certain tax to maintain their status - pretty much exactly the same situation, right down to the tax, of most Muslims in the Crusader states. Although the article doesn't seem to mention the fact that the crusaders massacred pretty much the entire population of Jerusalem after they captured it...

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 06:40 pm UTC (link)
Although the article doesn't seem to mention the fact that the crusaders massacred pretty much the entire population of Jerusalem after they captured it...

That's pretty much par for the course, regardless of the religion of the participants on either side. If you refuse to surrender under terms, and decide to fight, you won't get quarter.

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[info]ellid
2007-02-11 04:54 am UTC (link)
Stephen Runciman is spinning in his grave.

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[info]meghanh
2007-02-11 05:02 am UTC (link)
Somehow, I don't think Madden et al are going to be too worried about that one. ;-)

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 12:56 pm UTC (link)
Runciman was writing over 50 years ago. A great deal of research has been done since then, which has unravelled many of his arguments. He was also overtly biased as a Byzantinist. Have you read Riley-Smith, Nicholson, or Tyerman?

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[info]ellid
2007-02-11 01:57 pm UTC (link)
No. My specialty is Elizabethan England, specifically textiles.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 06:38 pm UTC (link)
Well, one of the problems is that a lot of more recent popular histories of the Crusades aimed at non-specialists are still recycling Runciman, and have given his interpretation an extended lifespan. He's a splendid prose stylist, but his works were published in the early-mid 1950s. What I found curious is that, from his library (which my old university inherited), it's clear he kept up to date with his reading for decades afterwards, but never produced a revised/updated edition.

There's been work done on the legal documents people wrote before setting out, re: their property and motives; a greater understanding of the political agenda of various of the chroniclers; more work on Arabic primary sources.

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[info]meghanh
2007-02-11 05:19 am UTC (link)
I certainly agree with previous commentors that this article is an oversimplification of crusading history in general, and I'm not a fan of the final paragraph. But, yes, it is a reasonably accurate--if very basic--overview.

Though I'm curious--what in particular in this article goes against what you've been taught? I'm always so fascinated by the continuing different approaches to teaching the Crusades--they're still difficult to address!

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[info]ellid
2007-02-11 06:14 am UTC (link)
The Crusades were not defensive at all for Europe - the Holy Land was hundreds of miles away.

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[info]meghanh
2007-02-11 06:21 am UTC (link)
Agreed. Which is why I stated it was a "reasonably accurate" overview. Discussing the points with which I disagreed would be a long post. However, the OP simply asked if if the article was accurate...which, yes, as a basic overview, it was.

The Europeans fighting the crusades certainly saw many of their actions as defensive. Urban's speeches at Clermont certainly advocate that view, as do Bernard of Clairvaux's sermons, to name examples.

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[info]pythrr
2007-02-11 06:51 am UTC (link)
well, if you consider it to be defensive of Christendom (which is not Europe), then it can indeed be defined as defensive. The whole europe = chrsitendom thing is another gross simplification of notions of medieval geography.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 12:53 pm UTC (link)
But the Byzantine Empire wasn't. These were former Byzantine provinces.

And you're thinking only in terms of immediate territorial defence, not of the role which the Holy Land played in the mind-set and spiritual identity of people in Western Europe. When Conon de Béthune wrote in his song, Ahi! Amors, "God is besieged in His holy inheritance", c. 1188-89, that is pretty much how people thought of it. Yes, from a modern, post-Reformation, post-Enlightenment viewpoint, it's bizarre; but it's bizarre of us to expect mediæval people to understand the world as we do. There is a strong physical dimension to mediæval religion - the importance of relics, of pilgrimage, of place - of the tangibility of their faith. Of course they felt threatened by the idea of their holy places being in the hands of non-Christians.

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[info]ulaidhan
2007-02-12 03:44 am UTC (link)
Not just their holy places - the centre of the world. Notionally, everything spread out from the Holy Land. For medieval Western Christianity, maps of the world had East as the cardinal direction.

Arguably, this concept helped to create the role in medieval legend of Prester John - be he in Africa or the far East, his presence beyond the centre of the world, away from Europe, confirmed the global nature of the true faith and promised the possibility of grand alliances against the enemies at the heart of creation.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-12 09:02 am UTC (link)
Exactly! Jerusalem - specifically the Holy Sepulchre - was marked as the centre of the world.

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[info]ulaidhan
2007-02-11 05:23 am UTC (link)
It's 4am, and I ought to be asleep instead of writing about the Crusades, but from the half I have read properly and a quick skim through the rest I would say that either Madden wrote for his audience (and failed in his stated goal of teaching the truth), or an editor was enthusiastic with his "improvements" while spicing up the text.

Some statements are pure hyperbole: Islam never conquered "all" of Spain, and it is certainly "questionable" that the Crusades were entirely defensive in nature. Jerusalem fell to the Arabs in the 7th century AD. If it is now judged that it one can wage a "defensive" war 400 years after the loss of territory, then international relations should get very interesting indeed...

Each faith is presented as a monolithic entity. This was, for a time, pretty much true for Islam - but not by the First Crusade. Roman Catholics (including some of the most noteworthy Crusaders) had been fighting the Orthodox Greeks for some time. The formal split between Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism is normally dated to the mid 11th century.

The supposed defensive nature of the fighting would suggest that land was being recovered for its owners - Antioch _had_ been temporarily recaptured by Byzantium, only to be lost again to Islamic forces in the late 11th century. Oaths were sworn by leading Crusaders to return recovered Byzantine territory to the Greek emperor - these oaths were broken. Only if a broad claim to Christianity over-rides all other concerns can it be considered a "recovery" when party b conquers land from party a, then loses it to c.

He also gives a lop-sided view of the 4th Crusade, completely exonerating the participants (notably the Venetians). Many historians would say that the Crusade "ran aground" not by the time that Byzantine politics became relevant, but when the Venetians diverted the Crusade to seize Zara (a Roman Catholic city on the Adriatic) - something which a portion of the Crusaders refused to countenance, instead leaving to go directly to the Middle East. They were the only ones to get there, the rest spending their time fighting the Christians the Crusades notionally defended.

He also conveniently passes over the pogroms instituted by some Crusading preachers and groups (but scrupulously opposed by others) against Jews in the lands through which some Crusading armies passed, inside Europe as well as in the Middle East. The goal of many Crusaders was not simply to secure the Holy Land, but also to smite the heathen wherever he might be found.

Yet amidst it all, he's got genuine points. However misplaced it might be judged to have been, and however notable dishonourable and greedy exceptions like Bohemond were, a great many Crusaders held the very highest of motives. Many gave their fortunes or their lives - or gave both. To pick a few examples off the top of my head, I'd be surprised if it was a lust for plunder that led the King of Norway to sail his warfleet thousands of miles to the Levant in the early 12th century (easier pickings were to be had much closer to home); the early founders of the military orders that arose from the Crusades seem to have been guided by the best of motives; and prominent events of popular enthusiasm like the People's Crusade have entered the realm of myth.

To paint events as entirely good or bad for one side or the other (or to identify just two sides!), or to give one community exclusive possession of any set of virtues or vices, would be wrong. The culture that emerged in synthesis in the Levant often shocked and horrified the more close-minded pilgrims who arrived from the West. Calls to prayer could be heard in the street, the conquerors often spoke local tongues, and populations intermingled in the great cities.

There is good and bad to be found within the period of the Crusades for all parties concerned. Perhaps the most suitable attitude to take from it all would be the famous regard of Saladin and Richard the Lionheart for each other - neither considered converting or claimed perfect comprehension of the other's faith, but each greatly respected the other's abilities and commitment, and Saladin entered medieval legend as one of the great paladins of history whom true knights should aspire to emulate.

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[info]new_kid16
2007-02-11 06:52 am UTC (link)
Hmmm. I do think that the Europeans perceived the Islamic spread/conquest as threatening (certainly the Byzantines did, hence the call for aid by Anna Komnenos' father, whose name I'm completely blanking on! Alexius, yes?). But it's a little disingenuous to say that it was entirely defensive when the Muslim threat against Europe directly was much less than it had been in previous centuries - that is, the reasons why the Crusades happened when they did are much more based in European history than Islamic history.

I do agree with the comments about crusaders giving up large sums to go on Crusade, and not generally getting great tracts of lands/fortunes. Those who came back were frequently poorer than when they left, as I understand it. And I tend to agree with Riley-Smith's argument about the Crusades being seen as an "act of love" and being understood as charity - a Christian act - and crusaders acting out of genuinely religious motives (mixed with other motives, I'm sure). But I don't buy that such motives have to connect with what Muslims were actually doing. What the Christians thought Muslims were doing, sure. But I'm not sure how informed your average crusader really was about the ins and outs of Islamic political/military developments in the 11th c. :-P

Also, while it's true that the Islamic empire spread incredibly quickly and by force, and that Muslims do divide the world into the two regions Madden describes, I think the Crusades are a completely different thing than anything that came before it. The Muslim accounts of the early crusades (where they exist, because most Muslim historians weren't especially interested/didn't see these as a connected/coherent enterprise until the time of Saladin) just plain don't get the religious purpose of the Europeans' campaigns - they interpreted them entirely as political/diplomatic actions. Muslims did allow Christians (and Jews) to practice their faiths, as people of the book. (Granted, they had to pay higher taxes, so certainly it was discriminatory, but there was no forced conversion.) So it seems to me that the specifically religious motivation of the Crusades is again all about what's going on in Europe, and not about anything that the Muslims themselves were doing.

I'd agree that the purpose of the Crusades wasn't really forced conversion of the Muslim world, although I think the reason that Muslims were allowed to live in the kingdom of Jerusalem/other kingdoms unmolested was a purely economic one - there simply weren't enough Europeans in the Crusader kingdoms for them to survive without the Muslim populations.

And I agree with Madden's assessment of Runciman. ;-)

This is a kind of disjointed response, because I keep looking back and picking out specific points to counter/address, so forgive me for that. Madden is an extremely well-respected (and I would say deservedly so) scholar of the Crusades. I guess he has the right to use that knowledge for political purposes (which is what this piece seems to be, given the source for the piece), as long as he follows scholarly conventions/expectations in his scholarly work. Which is what I'd recommend for a better sense of the Crusades. :-)

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[info]lareinenoire
2007-02-11 12:02 pm UTC (link)
I've heard Madden speak before, specifically on the Fourth Crusade, and I think this article simplifies his points far too much (as others have pointed out). Whether that is his own doing, writing for his audience, or the demands of space, or something else altogether, I don't know.

What I do know is that this article leaves out the cultural interaction between Muslims and Christians in the Latin East -- the Muslims were permitted to live in Christian cities, and were left more or less to their own devices after the First Crusade. As [info]new_kid16said, this was purely economic policy: the Muslims paid taxes just like everybody else, and it was more profitable to take advantage of that than it was to send them away. It was the same in Spain.

I enjoyed reading Runciman -- I think he's terribly entertaining -- but I've always tried to read as many different authors as possible, mainly because this is such a disputed period and reading any one authors exclusively isn't going to provide the larger picture.

And, lastly, he's not really made the distinction between the prevailing public ideology and the myriad different motives the actual people might have had. There were certainly many who went on Crusade for ideological and spiritual reasons, but there were others -- younger sons, for instance -- who went to acquire lands in the Middle East. Again, it isn't nearly as simple as he makes it out to be.

However, [info]a_d_medievalist pointed out, this is an older article and though I haven't yet read his books, I'm sure they give a more balanced picture.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 06:28 pm UTC (link)
The "younger sons" thing has been blown out of the water by most modern (post 1970s) Crusade historians. There were far easier ways of acquiring lands for yourself in wars nearer home, if that was what you wanted.

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[info]a_d_medievalist
2007-02-11 12:45 pm UTC (link)
It's important also to look at the date of the article (which I assumed when I mentioned that there were other responses at the time it was written). It was written right about the time the US and its allies were invading Afghanistan. Six months or so after 9/11. Author. Audience. Time. Personally, I don't think Madden's "without the Crusades ..." argument holds any more water than most such arguments. "Without the Reformation ..." Lots of things might not have happened -- or might have -- or happened slightly differently. We can only write what we can prove, and even then, it's seldom impervious to debate.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 06:32 pm UTC (link)
One of the things that concerns me a great deal about recent popular work and discussion of the Crusades is that they're being used as a political football - by East and West, left and right - for modern ideological concerns, which have got nothing at all to do with the mediæval situation. Madden is doing this to some extent here, and I don't think that taking anyone's political shilling is a good idea.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 12:45 pm UTC (link)
It's simplified for the more general magazine audience, and overstates its case greatly in claiming that "the world we know today would not exist without their efforts", but he's right about both Runciman and the dreadful Jones series. While Runciman was a major figure in his time, and a delightful man (I had the honour of meeting him in the 1980s), his work has been completely superseded in many respects. Read Riley-Smith, Nicholson, Edbury, Tyerman.

In part, Runciman and Jones were reacting against a school of historiography led by people like Michaud in early 19C. It was these historians who projected on to the Crusades their own 19C notions of imperialism. With the anti-imperialist mood post-WW2, Runciman and his followers overturned that - but didn't consider that the concept of the Crusades which they had was a 19C creation. (Tyerman has examined this.)

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[info]retro_andi
2007-02-11 03:26 pm UTC (link)
I find it curious that Madden sought to only contextualized the Christendom/Dar-al-Islam relationship in terms of military campaigns and power threats prior to the call of the 1st Crusade by Urban II. To me, he failed to metion more of the religious background that lead to the sentiments expressed by religous leaders and figures on the unacceptability of a Christian forced to live in an area as a religious minority. He could have mentioned Gregory the Great's reasons for sending missions to 6th century England or similar, later efforts (such as the 1065 call for Crusade in Spain) that sought to give the Christian promise of salvation to everyone as commanded in the New Testiment(lest we forget the relgious motive for prostilization). It is clear from his exerpts that Urban, Bernard and Innocent thought in a like manner, so how can a motive for the Crusades not have been about the desire to protect, defend, and reclaim the supremacy of a religion these men saw as the Absolute Truth? With this deeper understanding of religious thought and motivation, later developments such as increased missionary work to Muslims and Jews by the Franciscans and Domincans(see John Tolan, Saracens)are seen not as an "approach to organization" but as the development of a much older pattern of thought and actions. In order to understand why the Crusades (and indeed, the term itself)took their religious connotation that they have today, we must look at how and why prior Chrisitian thought produced the opinions and desires that motivated generations of men and women to undertake such action.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 06:43 pm UTC (link)
Yup: not to mention the impact of the Papal reforms of the 11C, the Great Schism, and the "Truce of God" concept.

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[info]historthecrow
2007-02-11 06:37 pm UTC (link)
The biggest problem with this article is that it treats The Muslims as a monolithic organisation conspiring to take over the world. By the 11th century, the Islamic world was very fragmented. When muslims ruled most of Spain, al-Andalus was home to a rival Caliphate, rather than being an outpost of a muslim empire. By the 11th century that Caliphate had itself fragmented into numerous taifa states which were at war with each other as much as with the christian kingdoms. I don't know how much things have changed in the last 10 years, but when I studied the Reconquista, there seemed to be very little evidence for a religious motivation for the change in policy from exacting tribute to conquering territory by the rulers of Leon-Castile. It should be clear that by the 11th century the muslims were very much on the defensive in Spain.

Over in the Holy Land things were similarly fragmented, and I think John France (I'm surprised no-one else has mentioned him so far) saw this fragmentation as a crucial part of the success of the First Crusade. By the 11th century various Seljuq (is that how you spell it?) leaders set themselves up in their own emirates. The appearance of the Seljuqs is crucial for understanding the First Crusade. Western christians don't seem to have been that bothered by the Arabs taking over Jerusalem. It didn't stop pilgrims from getting there and back safely. There was a perception (I'm not sure how true it was) that things deteriorated when the Seljuqs took over and that pilgrims weren't safe any more. It was possibly the Seljuq threat which encouraged Urban to send help to Byzantium (I seem to remember a lot of uncertainty and debate over whether recapturing Jerusalem was always going to be the objective of the First Crusade).

When the difference between Arabs and Turks is taken into account, it could be argued that the motivation for the Crusade was racial and cultural as much as religious. "Civilisation" is a slippery concept but I think going by a vague folk definition most people would have to accept that Arabs were at least as "civilised" as western Europeans in the middle ages, if not more so. In contrast, the Seljuqs were nomadic horsemen from central Asia who had more in common with the Huns and the Mongols than with the Arabs. Was it as much barbarians against civilisation as christians against muslims?

The phenomenon of military adventurers was also significant and not limited to wars between christians and muslims. Men like Bohemond and El Cid used the Crusades and Reconquista to carve out their own territories, but there were also Robert Guiscard, Roger of Sicily and William the Bastard, who did the same by taking lands from christians.

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[info]silverwhistle
2007-02-11 06:57 pm UTC (link)
You're right about the Seljuks re: the First Crusade (it's less than 30 years after Manzikert, too); and then you later have the ambitions of the Ayyubid dynasty (Saladin & co.), which even had their ostensible overlord, the Abbasid Caliph, worried at times as to where they would stop, having already ousted the Fatimids and Zengids...

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mainly off-topic...
[info]my_piece_of_sky
2007-02-11 07:53 pm UTC (link)
I love your icon. May i steal it? My only real interest in the crusades is through inter-cultural relations, on which there has been tons of interesting work done recently (not only in the holy land but also for Spain and Sicily, discussed as Mediterranean issues and put into a larger context).

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